20. The Vormärz

League of Virtue

Between 1790 and 1850, the city of Jena was a focal point of the German Romanticism and the German Vormärz (“pre-March”)—the period in the history of Germany in the lead-up to the 1848 March Revolution—as well as of the student liberal and unification movement. Many of the leaders of the Revolutions of 1848 were influenced by Father Jahn (1778 – 1852), who laid the foundations for the German nationalism that involved into Nazism, through his membership in the Burschenschaft fraternity system in Jena and the Tugendbund (“League of Virtue”), that emerged following the humiliating Prussian defeat by Napoleon at the Battle of Jena–Auerstedt in 1806. As reveled by René le Forestier, in his classic, Les Illuminés de Bavière et la franc-maçonnerie allemande (“The Illuminati of Bavaria and German Freemasonry”), the French imperial police became concerned at the rise of a number of patriotic societies, like the Tugendbund, which they believed were the result of the on-going conspiratorial workings of the Illuminati. Vincent Lombard de Langres (1765 – 1830), in an anonymous work published in 1819, titled Des Societés Secrètes en Allemagne et dans d’autres contrées, de la Secte des Illuminés, du Tribunal Secret, de l’assassinat de Kotzebue (“Secret Societies in Germany and elsewhere, of the Illuminati Sect, the Secret Tribunal, the Kotzebue assassination”) denounced the Burschenschaft fraternity movement, which grew out of the Tugendbund, as an arm of the Illuminati conspiracy.[1] In fact, the Burschenschaft movement had its base of operations at the University of Jena, where Bode had been attempting to revive the Illuminati, and to which belonged the key figures of involved in Weimar Classicism, centered around Moses Mendelssohn.[2]

It was recognized, however, that the Illuminati had gone from being the orchestrators of the French Revolution, to now becoming opponents to the government it produced. The change was explained by the anonymous author of a Mémoire sur les Illuminés et l’Allemagne (“Memoirs about the Illuminati and Germany”), written around 1810, which clarified that, since Napoleon changed the foundations of the social order and, through his influence on Germany, granted the German princes a guarantee of protection against them, the Illuminati had turned all their efforts against the French system. To make Germany independent from France was now their sole aim, and the means to achieve it was to mobilize public opinion against Napoleon by arousing political and religious fanaticism.[3] The Illuminati, reported to the Mémoire, adjusted their appeals according to the interests of the various classes of the order:

To the nobility, they promised the restoration of ancient feudal forms; to the patricians of the former Free Imperial Cities, the return of the old Germanic independence with republican forms; to merchants and manufacturers, the re-establishment of trade relations with England; to those who cultivate the arts and sciences, a development of civilization that will lead to the establishment of an aristocracy of men of letters, etc. etc. etc.[4]

As noted by Michael A. Meyer, The Origins of the Modern Jew, the word Tugend (“virtue”), a prominent a value of the Enlightenment, became the core of Moses Mendelssohn’s religious philosophy, believing it could help counter the negative stereotypes of the Jews.[5] An earlier society, also named Tugendbund, had been founded in 1786, by Moses Mendelssohn’s daughter Dorothea Schlegel, Wilhelm and Alexander von Humboldt and Henriette Herz best known for the salonnières she started with a group of emancipated Jews in Prussia.[6] Also attending Henrietta’s salons was Friedrich von Gentz (1764 – 1832), an Austrian diplomat and a writer, who with Prince Metternich was one of the main forces behind the organization, management and protocol of the Congress of Vienna. Gentz also worked closely with the Rothschilds.[7] Also close to the Rothschilds was Heinrich Heine, whose friend, Ludwig Börne, a member the Masonic Judenlodge,[8] was also a close friend of Henrietta’s husband, Mark Herz, who was close to Moses Mendelssohn and David Friedländer.[9] The confused interpretation that would result from an attempt to combine Jewish identity and German nationalism was explained by Friedländer:

I am a Prussian citizen. I have sworn solemnly to promote and support my Fatherland. Both duty and gratitude demand that I achieve this with all my might. First of all, I must endeavor to join with my fellow citizens, to approach them in custom and habit, to enter with them into social and personal connections; for the bonds of sociability and love bind more closely and strongly than the law itself. And only through these bonds can I achieve the aim of living with my fellow citizens in harmony, peace, and friendship.[10]

Assimilated Jews were often involved in supporting the competing, but sometimes overlapping causes of liberalism and nationalism. The European idea of nationalism is founded on the notion of a single national identity, based on a combination of shared culture, ethnicity, geography, language, politics, religion, traditions and history.[11] Although the Rosicrucian movement purportedly ended in disaster when their appointment of Frederick V of the Palatinate precipitated the Thirty Years War in in 1618, it was the Peace of Westphalia, signed in 1648, which ended it and the Eighty Years War, which laid the foundations for the creation of a New World Order, as a global federation of nation-states.

In the past, the world was divided into Empires that adhered to a particular shared ideology, many of them multi-ethnic. The novel European idea of nationalism is founded on the notion of a single national identity, based on a combination of shared culture, ethnicity, geography, language, politics, religion, traditions and history.[12] Scholars frequently place the beginning of nationalism with the American Declaration of Independence or with the French Revolution, for their impact on European intellectuals.[13] The notion of nationalism, as a method for mobilizing public opinion around a new state based on popular sovereignty, went back to such philosophers such as Rousseau and Voltaire, whose ideas influenced the French Revolution.[14] Much of the nineteenth-century European nationalism arose with Napoleon’s rise to power, when he took advantage of his invasion of much of Europe to spread revolutionary ideas.[15]

Scholars frequently place the beginning of nationalism with the American Declaration of Independence or with the French Revolution, for their impact on European intellectuals.[16] The notion of nationalism, as a method for mobilizing public opinion around a new state based on popular sovereignty, went back to such philosophers such as Rousseau and Voltaire, whose ideas influenced the French Revolution.[17] Much of the nineteenth-century European nationalism arose with Napoleon’s rise to power, when he took advantage of his invasion of much of Europe to spread revolutionary ideas.[18]

Under the First French Empire (1804–1814), German nationalism had begun to emerge in the reorganized German states. Due in part to the shared experience, albeit under French dominance, various justifications emerged to the concept of a unified Germany. As Fichte proclaimed in his “Address to the German Nation”:

The first, original, and truly natural boundaries of states are beyond doubt their internal boundaries. Those who speak the same language are joined to each other by a multitude of invisible bonds by nature herself, long before any human art begins; they understand each other and have the power of continuing to make themselves understood more and more clearly; they belong together and are by nature one and an inseparable whole.[19]

The invasion of the Holy Roman Empire by Napoleon’s French Empire and its subsequent dissolution brought about a German liberal nationalism, which advocated the creation of a modern German nation-state based upon liberal democracy, constitutionalism, representation, and popular sovereignty while opposing absolutism.[20] Germans, for the most part, had been a loose and disunited people since the Reformation, when the Holy Roman Empire was shattered into a patchwork of over 300 states following the end of the Thirty Years’ War with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Since the start of the Reformation in the sixteenth century, the German lands had been divided between Catholics and Protestants and linguistic diversity was large as well. Napoleon consolidated the majority of the German-speaking states into 16 larger client states following the Empire’s demise in 1806, forming a loose military alliance known as the Confederation of the Rhine, which grew to include 36 states. After the defeat of France in the Napoleonic Wars at the Congress of Vienna of 1814–1815, German nationalists tried but failed to establish Germany as a nation-state, instead the German Confederation was created that was a loose collection of independent German states that lacked strong federal institutions.

Tugendbund

As explained by Alfred Rosenberg, the chief ideologue of the Nazi Party, “We see the old German nationalism after its grand flaming up in the Wars of Liberation (1813), after its deepest foundation by Fichte, after its explosive rise through Stein and Arndt… the unqualified greatness of those men who in 1813 again led Germany from the abyss to the heights.”[21] The origins of Pan-Germanism began with the birth of Romantic nationalism during the Napoleonic Wars, whose early proponents were two members of the Tugendbund, Father Jahn and Ernst Moritz Arndt, who was influenced by Fichte and who was a close friend of the Jewish salonnière Henriette Herz, whose friends and acquaintances were Schiller, Wilhelm von Humboldt, Mirabeau, Fanny von Arnstein, and Madame de Genlis [22] The Tugendbund (“League of Virtue”) was a society formed in the spring of 1808, by a number of Freemasons, as a response of Prussia’s devastating defeat in the war with France and the oppressive Peace of Tilsit, and which became the germ of the Prussian reforms, which paved the way for the unification of Germany.

The Tugendbund was headed by Baron vom Stein (1757 – 1831), a Prussian statesman who introduced the Prussian reforms, which paved the way for the unification of Germany, and who according to the French imperial police, was a member of the Illuminati.[23] According to Thomas Frost, in The Secret Societies of the European Revolution (1876), Stein “conceived the idea of spreading over Germany a network of secret societies, by the agency of which the people should be prepared for a struggle, when the time should seem opportune, for the liberation of the Fatherland.”[24] The Tugendbund soon numbered in its ranks most of the Councillors of State, many officers of the army, and a considerable number of the professors of literature and science. William I, Elector of Hesse, brother of Prince Charles of Hesse-Kassel, was a member. “My desire for the aggrandizement of Prussia,” Stein wrote to Hans Christoph Ernst von Gagern (1766 – 1852), whom he had appointed to the administrative council for the reconquered Prussian lands in western Germany:

…proceeded not from a blind partiality to that State, but from the conviction that Germany is weakened by a system of partition ruinous alike to her national learning and national feelings… It is not for Prussia, but for Germany, that I desire a closer, a firmer internal combination—a wish that will accompany me to the grave. The division of our national strength may be gratifying to some; it can never be so to me.[25]

 

Baron vom Stein and Karl August von Hardenberg were together responsible for a series of Liberal reforms in Prussia. In 1778, Hardenberg was raised to the rank of Privy Councillor and entered the service of the Duke of Brunswick in 1782. He was initiated into Strict Observance Freemasonry in 1778, and into Illuminati in August 1782, attaining Illuminatus Major in December of that year.[26] Hardenberg, who attended the salons of Fanny and Caecilie Itzig, was a founding member of Masonic lodge Zur Wahrheit und Freundschaft (“Truth and Friendship”), with a patent from the Prussian Grand lodge in Berlin, the Royal York of Friendship.[27] Around 1787, E.T.A. Hoffmann became friends with Theodor Gottlieb von Hippel the Younger (1775 – 1843), the son of a pastor, and nephew of Theodor Gottlieb von Hippel the Elder, the well-known writer friend of Immanuel Kant. In 1810, Hippel the Younger became an employee of Hardenberg, and the next year joined the State Council. Hippel joined Freemasonry in 1797 and was one of the founders in 1803 of the lodge Zur goldenen Harfe (“To the Golden Harp”), under the jurisdiction of The Three Globes in Berlin, and was elected its Grand Master in 1815.[28]

During the negotiations at Tilsit, Napoleon refused to act upon Hardenberg’s recommendations after which Hardenberg retired.  Napoleon suggested Stein as a possible successor. On October 8, 1807, Frederick William III of Prussia, utterly depressed by the terrible terms of the Treaty of Tilsit, called Stein to office and entrusted him with extensive powers.[29] Stein was now for a time virtually dictator of the reduced and nearly-bankrupt Prussian state, during which he instituted a number of drastic reforms. First came the October Edict, issued in 1807, which abolished the institution of serfdom throughout Prussia, and abrogated all class distinctions with regard to occupations and callings of any kind. After it became known that he had written a letter in which he criticized Napoleon, Stein was obliged to resign, which he did in 1808 and retired to the Austrian Empire, from which he was summoned to the Russian Empire by Tsar Alexander I in 1812.

Arndt, along with Achim von Arnim, his brother-in-law Clemens Brentano, and other members of Madame de Staël’s Coppet Group, including the Schlegel brothers, was identified by the French imperial police as a member of the Illuminati.[30] Arndt was married to Anna Maria Louise Schleiermacher, the sister of Herz and Schlegel’s friend Friedrich Schleiermacher, who had been educated among the Moravian Church of Count Zinzendorf.[31] It was Schleiermacher’s student, Julius Schubring, who wrote the libretto to Felix Mendelssohn’s St. Paul. Like Fichte and Jahn, Arndt began to envision the German nation as a society of ethnic homogeneity, drawing on the history of the German people, especially in the Middle Ages. Arndt also warned of too close contact with Judaism, claiming that the “thousands [of Jews] which by the Russian tyranny will now come upon us even more abounding from Poland,” being from “the impure flood from the East.” Additionally, he warned of a Jewish intellectual conspiracy, claiming that Jews had “usurped” half of literature.[32] Arndt played an important role for the early national and liberal Burschenschaft movement and for the unification movement, and his song Was ist des Deutschen Vaterland? (“What is the German Fatherland”) served as an unofficial German national anthem.

During Napoleon’s rule over Germany, Arnim and Brentano had published the most famous German folksong collection Des Knaben Wunderhorn (“The Boys Magic Horn”). Baron vom Stein commended the book for its important role in arousing Volk patriotism to overthrow the French.[33] Father Jahn, who in his day was considered a liberal revolutionary, lent support to Stein’s reforms. Baron vom Stein, who aimed at transforming and modernizing Prussia, approached poets, writers and scholars to recruit them to support the reform movement by means of public propaganda.[34] Participating in this endeavor to create a “national myth” were, among others, Fichte, Friedrich Schleiermacher, Father Jahn and the well-known Berlin publisher Heinrich von Kleist (1777 – 1811), whose patriotic stage dramas, along with Fichte’s 1808 “Addresses to the German Nation,” and Arndt’s war poetry, were all instrumental in shaping German nationalism.[35] In 1801, Kleist visited Paris, then settled in Switzerland, where he befriended Ludwig Wieland (1777 – 1819), son of Illuminatus Christoph Martin Wieland. In 1802, Kleist returned to Germany, where he visited Goethe, Schiller and Wieland in Weimar. Kleist gathered around him a number of Prussian intellectuals who called themselves the Kleist Circle, and included Fichte and the Grimm brother’s professor, Karl von Savigny.[36] Julius Eduard Hitzig had been the publisher of the Berliner Abendblätter, a popular newspaper edited by von Arnim and Kleist.[37]

Lützow Free Corps

When the forces of Frederick William III of Prussia were defeated by Napoleon at the twin battles Jena and Auerstedt, fought on October 14, 1806, subjugating the Kingdom of Prussia to the French Empire, Jahn said the horror turned his beard grey.[38] Since 1806, writers and intellectuals such as Johann Philipp Palm, Fichte, Ernst Moritz Arndt, Father Jahn, and Theodor Körner had been criticizing the French occupation of much of Germany, and advocated a joint effort by all Germans, including Prussians and Austrians, to expel the French. From 1810, Arndt and Jahn repeatedly appealed to high-ranking figures in Prussian society to prepare such an uprising. In early 1813, Jahn took an active part in the formation of the famous Lützowsches Freikorps (“Lützow Free Corps”), a volunteer force of the Prussian army during the Napoleonic Wars, who used the black-red-gold color scheme that would eventually be adopted as the flag of Germany.

After he met Arndt in 1800, which nationalistic sentiments shifted to the volk. Jahn was an admirer of what he believed were the virtues of the Prussians. Jahn pleaded for the creation of a greater Germany including Switzerland, the Low Countries, Denmark, Prussia and Austria, with a new capital to be called Teutonia.[39] To find unity, as Jahn believed, the Germans would need to identify some bond more “essential” than the state. The discovery that that reality was the mystical force of Volkstum (“folklore”) led Jahn to the conclusion that scholarship must develop the study of Volk, for which he founded his Deutsches Volkstum, which appeared in 1810. For that purpose, it was necessary for peoples to maintain the purity of their race. Rome had fallen for that reason. “The purer a people, the better. The day universal monarchy will be founded will be the last day of mankind.” According to Jahn:

The holy office of the people which has to make the world happy, is difficult to learn, and even more difficult to fulfill, but it is a lust of virtue, a human divinity, to bless the earth as its saviour and to implant in the peoples the seeds of true humanity… There is still space and material for greatness on this earth. There are still holy wars of mankind to fight, the whole earth is a promised land, still unconquered by right, happiness and virtue.[40]

As Jahn admitted, “Germany’s unity was the dream of my waking life, was the dawn of my youth, the sunshine of manhood and is now the evening star that guides me to eternal rest…”[41] Jahn is known in Germany as the Turnvater (“father of gymnastics. By connecting Fichte’s linguistic philosophy with his own military ambitions, Jahn emphasized a national necessity on the idea of Turnen (“gymnastics”).[42] Jahn’s writing is credited with the founding of the German gymnastics movement as well as influencing the German Campaign of 1813, during which a coalition of German states effectively ended the occupation by Napoleon’s First French Empire. In response to what he considered as the humiliation of his native land by Napoleon, Jahn conceived the idea of restoring the spirits of his countrymen by the development of their physical and moral powers through the practice of gymnastics. These athletics clubs called for “glory, freedom, and the mother country” and, instead of the Prussian black and white, adopted the symbolic colors of the black, the red, and the golden-yellow, which according to Jahn, symbolized the path from the black night of slavery through bloody struggle towards the golden dawn of freedom.[43]

Also joining Jahn in the Lützow Free Corps was Theodor Körner, a friend of Wilhelm von Humboldt and Friedrich Schlegel. Theodor’s mother was a friend of Jewish salonnière Henriette Herz, and his father Gottfried Körner was a friend of Schiller.[44] Körner became a national hero in Germany after he inspired his comrades by patriotic songs like Schwertlied (“Sword Song”), composed only a few hours before his death, and Lützow’s wilde Jagd (“Lützow’s Wild Hunt). Körner wrote a letter to Henriette von Pereira-Arnstein, the daughter of Daniel Itzig’s daughter Fanny von Arnstein, after he had been severely wounded in the head by a saber, signed Ihr verwundeter Sänger (“Your wounded singer”).[45] “Germany is up!” Körner wrote to his father on the March 10, 1813, before joining the Lützow Free Corps:

 

The Prussian eagle awakens in all hearts the great hope of Germany—at least Northern Germany—freedom. My muse sighs for her Fatherland; let me be her worthy disciple. Yes, dearest father, I have made up my mind to be a soldier! I am ready to cast away the gifts that Fortune has showered upon me here to win myself a Fatherland, were it with my blood.[46]

 

One theory posits that the term Freikorps was the source of Der Freischütz, the story about a hunter making a pact with the devil.[47] The Freischütz tale became widely circulated in 1810 when Johann August Apel included it as the first tale in the first volume of the Gespensterbuch, and is included in E.T.A. Hoffmann’s The Devil's Elixirs.[48] Apel’s friends included Fouqué and Carl Borromäus von Miltitz (1781 – 1845), who held a literary circle, known as the Scharfenberger Circle, at his ancestral castle Schloss Scharfenberg for about six years from 1811, including Novalis, Fouqué, Apel, and E.T.A. Hoffmann, who established the principles of musical romanticism, and Christian Gottfried Körner, a friend of Schiller, who edited the works of his deceased son Theodor Körner.[49]

With Achim von Arnim, Arndt was active in a club called the Gesetzlose Gesellschaft (“Lawless society”), many of whose members later joined the Deutsche Tischgesellschaft (“German Table Society”), an exclusive luncheon club founded in 1811 in Berlin, by Arnim and Clemens Brentano. The Tischgesellschaft was an invitation-only club for men, whose explicit guidelines, which excluded not only Jews, but even Jewish converts, caused a scandal in the Berlin of 1811. Founders of the club also served as faculty members at the new University of Berlin, established the previous year. The list of prominent professors who were invited to join included legal historian Fichte, Savigny and Friedrich Schleiermacher. Though the Tischgesellschaft was a pointed attack on the Jewish salons, many of the members had been and even continued to be guests at Jewish homes. Schleiermacher was a member from the beginning and remained Henriette’s close friend. And for years after 1811, Henriette’s friend and fellow salonnière Rahel Varnhagen maintained her stormy friendship with Brentano.[50] Arndt invited Herz to his home in 1819, a few months after the hepp hepp riots which had erupted in at least thirty German towns, opposition to local emancipation efforts. At the time, Arndt’s writings were blamed as an impetus for the riots. In fact, Rahel Varnhagen, in a famous letter to her brother Ludwig Robert (1778 – 1832), actually named Arndt as one of the causes of the pogrom.[51]

Urburschenschaft

According to Kohn, Jahn’s influence was exercised in three movements which have remained characteristic of German nationalism: military free-corps of patriotic volunteers, gymnastic associations for the training of patriotic fighters; and patriotic student fraternities.[52] Father Jahn’s gymnastic associations exposed middle class German youth to nationalist and democratic ideals, which took the form of the nationalistic and liberal democratic college fraternities known as the Burschenschaften. After the defeat of Napoleon in 1814, Germany consisted of a loose confederation. After the German “Wars of Liberation” against Napoleon and the French occupation, many people were bitter about dreams of German national unity shattered after the 1815 Congress of Vienna. Democratic reforms were stalled, and governments had cracked down on press freedom and rights of association. The Frankfurt National Assembly, a meeting of the representatives of the 39 states, established in Frankfurt am Main in 1816, had little influence.

A year earlier, the first gymnastic societies (Burschenschaften) were founded, mainly on the initiative of Father Jahn. Jahn and his friend Friedrich Friesen (1784 – 1814 were the link between the Lützow Free Corps and the gymnastic organization they had founded in 1810 in Berlin. Friesen had studied at the Academy of Architecture, Berlin, and collaborated on the great atlas of Mexico edited by Alexander von Humboldt, whose friends and benefactors included Moses Mendelssohn’s eldest son Joseph and David Friedländer.[53] In 1812, Jahn and Friesen drafted a project for the reorganization of student life at the universities and submitted it to Fichte, then the rector of the University of Berlin, who rejected it as “un-German.”[54] Jahn then turned to the University of Jena, where in 1815 a number of students, many of whom participated in the Lützow Free Corps, founded the Urburschenschaft organization in order to encourage German unity at the university. The German students demonstrated for a national state and a liberal constitution condemning the “reactionary” forces in the newly recreated states of the German Confederation. At least, a constitution for the German state of Saxe-Weimar-Eisenach including articles on freedom of speech, press and assembly was amended by Grand Duke Karl August in 1816.

On October 18, 1817, about 500 students, members of the newly founded Burschenschaften student fraternities from the Jena and Halle universities came together for a “national festival” at the Wartburg castle to condemn conservatism and call for German unity under the motto “Honour – Freedom – Fatherland.” The date was chosen to commemorate the fourth anniversary of the bloody Battle of Nations at Leipzig, and the three-hundredth anniversary of the nailing of the ninety-five theses by Martin Luther, who had used the castle as a refuge. At the meeting in the Wartburg knights’ hall, speeches were held about celebrated Luther as a proto-German nationalist, linking Lutheranism to German nationalism, and helping arouse religious sentiments for the cause of German nationhood. This was followed by the Christian hymn Now Thank We All Our God as sung by the victorious Prussian troops after the 1757 Battle of Leuthen and a final blessing, the convention resembled a Protestant church service.

Hundreds of students from Berlin, Breslau, Erlangen, Gießen, Göttingen, Greifswald, Heidelberg, Kiel, Königsberg, Leipzig, Marburg, Rostock und Tübingen joined the festivities. Jena professors were also among the participants. Speakers at the event included Jahn’s friend and pupil, a member of the Jena Burschenschaft, Hans Ferdinand Massmann (1797 – 1874), a German philologist, known for his studies in Old German language and literature. The culmination of the festival, with Jahn as “the guiding spirit,” was a book burning of several books and other items that symbolized reactionary attitudes, including the Code Napoléon and August von Kotzebue’s History of the German Empires. Among the participants was Karl Ludwig Sand (1795 – 1820), from the Burschenschaft in Jena, who would assassinate Kotzebue two years later. Sand’s murder of Kotzebue gave Prince Metternich the pretext to issue the Carlsbad Decrees of 1819, which outlawed the Burschenschaften and put limits on freedom of the press and the rights of members of such organizations, banning them from public office, teaching or studying at universities in the states of the German Confederation.

Carlsbad Decrees

Julius Eduard Hitzig’s friend, E.T.A. Hoffmann, had become friends with Theodor Gottlieb von Hippel the Younger, who in 1811 became an employee of Illuminatus, the State Chancellor Karl August von Hardenberg, and the next year joined the State Council, where he wrote the famous proclamation An Mein Volk (“To My People”), by Frederick William III of Prussia in 1813. The proclamation, addressed to his subjects, the Preußen und Deutsche (“Prussians and Germans”), called for their support in the fight against Napoleon, and led to the massive expansion of the Prussian Army, and to the creation of militias, such as the Jäger volunteers and Lützow Free  Corps. During the Meister Floh affair, Hippel used his influence to defend Hoffmann, and was a frequent visitor during his final illness.

Hoffmann had been appointed in 1819 as a member of Immediate Commission for the investigation of political dissidence, established by Frederick William III of Prussia in the wake of the Carlsbad Decrees, and released Father Jahn, claiming he had been imprisoned on insufficient grounds. This brought him into conflict with Commissioner Karl Albert von Kamptz. When Hoffmann caricatured Kamptz in a story Meister Floh, (“The Master Flea”) is a humorous fairytale fantasy novel first published in 1822, Kamptz began legal proceedings. Those ended when Hoffmann’s case of syphilis was found to be life-threatening. Frederick William III asked for a reprimand only, but no action was ever taken. Eventually Meister Floh was published with the offending passages removed.[55]

Nevertheless, throughout the nineteenth century, the Lützow Free Corps were greatly praised and glorified by German nationalists, and a cult of heroism built up around them. The black-red-gold color scheme formed by the combination of black cloth, red trim, and brass buttons on their uniforms would later become associated with republican and Pan-German ideals. During the Hambacher Fest of 1832 and Revolutions of 1848 in the German states, flags with these colors were used, if even often displayed in reverse order compared to modern day’s flag of Germany. This combination, reminiscent of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation—whose heraldic coat-of-arms depicted a black eagle on a shield of gold, often in later times with red beak and legs—was selected as the official national colors of the German flag in 1919, and again in 1949.

As a reaction to the March Revolution of 1848, the Bundestag repealed the Carlsbad Decrees on  April 2, 1848. Many Burschenschafter took part in the Hambacher Fest in 1832 and the Revolution in 1848/49. The revolutions of 1848 spread from France across Europe, and erupted soon after in Austria and Germany. This resulted in the resignation of Prince von Metternich as chief minister to Emperor Ferdinand I of Austria, and his going into exile in Britain. Fearing the fate of Louis Philippe I (1773 – 1850)—the son of Illuminatus Louis Philippe II, Duke of Orléans, Philippe Égalité—who was forced to abdicate after the outbreak of the Revolutions of 1848, some monarchs in Germany at least temporarily accepted some of the demands of the revolutionaries. The revolutions, which stressed pan-Germanism, demonstrated popular discontent with the traditional, largely autocratic political structure of the thirty-nine independent states of the Confederation that inherited the German territory of the former Holy Roman Empire after its dismantlement as a result of the Napoleonic Wars. In March 1848, crowds of people gathered in Berlin to present their demands in an “address to the king.” Frederick William IV, taken by surprise, yielded to all the demonstrators’ demands, including parliamentary elections, a constitution, and freedom of the press. He promised that “Prussia was to be merged forthwith into Germany.” A Constituent National Assembly was elected on May 1, becoming the first freely elected parliament for all German states, including the German-populated areas of the Austrian Empire.

Among the primary causes of the revolutions were calls for liberation and for elections of assemblies to write constitutions and guarantee basic rights universally to all citizens, and the emancipation of Jews.[56] “Part of the reason that Jewish emancipation became a major issue in many of the deliberations,” explained Glenn R. Sharfman, “was that Jews themselves participated in the overthrowing of the monarchies as well as the writing of the new constitutions.”[57] Paragraph 13 of the Basic Rights of the Frankfurt Parliament stated that civil rights were not to be conditional on belonging to a particular religious faith. For the Jews, this was a great improvement over the Act of 1815 which allowed special legislation dealing with Jews. In “Who’s Afraid of Jewish Universalism,” Carsten Wilke observed, “For German Jews, loyalty to universal values offered a defense strategy against the threatening accusation of communal separatism.”[58]

Taking the lead from Paris, Heine and Börne became the leading champions of freedom in Germany. Moses Hess, Johann Jacoby and Gabriel Riesser—chairman of the Hamburg Temple, and member of the Frankfurt Judenlodge—also played leading roles in the revolution of 1848-49.[59] Two of the five victims in Vienna in 1848 were Jews, while at least ten Jews died in the fighting in Berlin. Riesser was not the only Jew fighting for German unification, five others joined him at the Vorparlament (“preparliament”), and seven Jews were elected to the German national assembly. In 1848, Riesser was chosen Vice-President of the National Assembly in Frankfurt, and also a member of the delegation sent to Berlin, to offer William IV of Prussia the crown of Germany. Riesser and countered demands that Jews be placed under separate legislation because they were not Germans by declaring that: “under just laws, Jews would be the most ardent patriots of Germany; they will become Germans along with, as well as among, Germans. Do not presume that discriminatory laws can be tolerated without dealing a disastrous blow to the entire system of freedom, and without introducing demoralization into it!”[60]

However, on December 2, 1851, Louis-Napoleon staged a coup that marked the end of the Second Republic and the beginning of the Second Empire, became the Emperor of the French, as Napoleon III. Mazzini regarded Napoleon III not only as a traitor and the most dangerous opponent of his goal of Italian unification. Consequently, Mazzini sent a group of terrorists to France to assassinate him. As most of the terrorists came from English territory, with the assistance of Englishmen, the French press accused the English government of supporting them.[61] The most famous attempt on Napoleon III’s life was carried out by Felice Orsini (1819 – 1858), with a grenade on January 14, 1858. Although the explosion missed its target, 156 people, including innocent bystanders, were killed.

Forty-Eighters

Disappointed at the failure of the revolutions of 1848, many of its participants, known as “Forty-Eighters,” went into exile, emigrating to Australia, the United Kingdom, and the United States. Leading “Forty-Eighters” included Gottfried Kinkel (1815 – 1882) and Johannes Ronge (1813 – 1887). In London, Kinkel had been involved with the Communist League but later joined the anti-Marx split led August Willich (1810 – 1878) and Karl Schapper (1812 – 1870.[62] In 1949, Willich, a former Prussian military officer, and a member of the Communist League, formed the Willich Corps, which combined with other revolutionary groups to form an army of about 30,000 strong, which was joined by Engels. As a member of Young Germany, Schapper participated in Mazzini’s attempt at an armed invasion of Savoy from Switzerland and took an active part in the Revolutions of 1848–1849. However, both Schapper and Willich later emigrated to the United States and become involved in the American Civil War, serving in the Union Army. After reconciling with Marx Schapper was involved in founding the First International in London in 1864.

Kinkel developed a friendship with one of his students, Carl Christian Schurz (1829 – 1906), who fought for democratic reforms in the German revolutions of 1848–1849. Schurz, who was born in the Kingdom of Prussia, fought for democratic reforms in the German revolutions of 1848–1849 as a member of the academic fraternity association Deutsche Burschenschaft. After the revolution was suppressed, many of leading Burschenschafter, such as Schurz, went abroad. Schurz first fled to France, then went to London. In the first volume of his Reminiscences, Schurz gives a biographical sketch of Mazzini and recalls two meetings he had with him when they were both in London in 1851.[63] Schurz gained fame in revolutionary circles when he rescued his Kinkel from a Prussian prison in Spandau, and led him into exile into London by 1851. There he met with all the other revolutionaries, including Mazzini, and even led a German delegation welcoming Kossuth into his British exile. Along with Ledru-Rollin, Kinkel was a member of the International Republican Committee, founded by Mazzini.[64]

Although he wasn’t himself Jewish, Schurz married a Jewish wife, Margarethe Meyer-Schurz (1833 – 1876). Margarethe Meyer’s sister, Bertha Traun, married Johannes Ronge, the principal founder of the German Catholics, dissidents from the Roman Catholic Church. In 1852, Marx and Engels wrote Heroes of the Exile, in which they satirized Forty-Eighters like Ronge, as well as others like, Kinkel, Schurz and Arnold Ruge (1802 – 1880), a friend of Ledru-Rollin. In Paris, Ruge briefly co-edited the Deutsch–Französische Jahrbücher with Marx. Ronge was obliged to flee to London, where he signed in 1851, with Ruge, Kinkel, Gustav Struve, and others, a democratic manifesto to the German people, and where, with Robert Blum (1807 – 1848), a German Jew who supported the German Catholics, he became the leader of the Freireligiöse, the forerunners of the American Freethinkers.[65] In London, in company with Mazzini and other radical politicians, Ruge formed a European Democratic Committee.

In 1859, the Ronges moved to Manchester where they opened a kindergarten at which they were joined by Maria Kraus Boelte, a pioneer of the methods of Friedrich Fröbel (1782 – 1852)—a disciple of Father Jahn, a member of the Illuminati front the Tugendbund[66]—who laid the foundation for modern education and created the concept of the kindergarten.[67] Fröbel’s nephew and star student was Julius Fröbel (1805 – 1893), who was a friend of Alexander von Humboldt, of Weimar Classicism—whose friend and benefactor was Moses Mendelssohn’s eldest son Joseph—called his uncle’s school, “a breeding ground of the contemporary revolutionary spirit.”[68] In 1840, Julius established in Zurich, in connection with Arnold Ruge, and others, a Literary Bureau, which published radical work like David Strauss’ Life of Jesus, Bruno Bauer’s Christianity Rediscovered, Louis Blanc’s History of Ten Years. Having become the chief center of agitation in Europe, the Bureau was censored by the Swiss authorities. In 1843, Fröbel went to Paris, where he met Louis Blanc and Flocon, the editor of La Réforme. Following the Revolution of 1848, Fröbel was elected a member of the Frankfurt Parliament, along with his mentor Father Jahn. Afterward, he accompanied Robert Blum to Vienna, where both joined the bloody October Uprising, out of sympathy for the Hungarian cause led by Kossuth. Fröbel was arrested and later pardoned, but Blum convicted and shot, along with the other leaders of the resistance.[69]

Unification of Germany

As noted by Gordon R. Mork, most politically active Jews supported Otto von Bismarck’s nationalist policies.[70] At the end of the 1850s, explains Ulrike Kirchberger, there was a national revival in Germany.[71] Germans, for the most part, had been a loose and disunited people since the Reformation, when the Holy Roman Empire was shattered into a patchwork of states following the end of the Thirty Years’ War with the Peace of Westphalia. In Prussia, the king’s brother Wilhelm I (1797 – 1888) succeeded Frederick William IV to the throne, and a new, liberal era was expected, and the crisis in Italy helped to bring the national question back to the public agenda. An economic depression at the end of the 1850s also contributed a passionate nationalism which seized the population in Germany. The Deutsche Nationalverein (“German National Association”), a powerful organization with up to 25,000 members, founded in Frankfurt am Main in 1859, formed the core of the German national movement during the early 1860s. Their central aim was the national unification under Prussian leadership of Kleindeutschland, or Lesser Germany, which excluded Austria. Branches of the National League were also founded in London, Liverpool, Manchester, Birmingham, Bradford and other British cities. The National League in Britain was composed of “Forty-eighters,” like Johannes Ronge and Gottfried Kinkel.

As explained by Glenn R. Sharfman, “Part of the enthusiasm that Jews exhibited for a united Germany stemmed from the belief that one uniform law would be more beneficial than thirty-nine separate ones.”[72] Reflecting upon the First Schleswig War in 1848, Marx noted in 1853 that “by quarrelling amongst themselves, instead of confederating, Germans and Scandinavians, both of them belonging to the same great race, only prepare the way for their hereditary enemy, the Slav.”[73] Gabriel Riesser, the most prominent Jewish spokesman for emancipation in the German states, asserted, “If you will grant emancipation with one hand, and with the other the realization of the beautiful dream about the political unification of Germany, I would take the second hand unhesitatingly, because I am convinced that a unified Germany will also include emancipation.”[74] Julius Rodenberg (1831 – 1914), one of the best-known Jewish journalists of the time, and a contributor to the conservative Kreuzzeitung, visited London several times where he was in touch with leaders of the German National League, and remarked:

These Germans are the real wanderers among the peoples of the earth—the messengers and apostles of world culture—and if you went to the farthest reaches of Thule, I believe you would still find German compatriots there too!… are there any Germans in Germany? In Germany you have Prussians, or Saxons, or Hanoverians and Bückebergers… if you want Germans, go to London, to Quebec, to Buenos Aires… There are only Germans outside Germany.[75]

Contributors to the Kreuzzeitung included Berthold Auerbach (1812 – 1882), of the Committee for Jewish Affairs in Berlin and a member of the Frankfurt Judenlodge.[76] Auerbach was a lifelong friend of Abraham Geiger of the Hamburg Temple, whose work in the nineteenth century he placed in the same category with Moses Mendelssohn’s in the eighteenth.[77] Auerbach claimed that his highest goal was “to fuse Mosaism and Hegelian philosophy.”[78] Auerbach was intended for the ministry, but was estranged from Jewish orthodoxy by the study of Spinoza. Applying Young Hegelian reasoning, Auerbach tried to prove the enduring validity of Judaism by showing that it could still contribute to the “true and universal messianic reign of rational religion.” He also interpreted the idea of Volhtumlichkeit (“German national character”) so as to harmonize both the Jewish and German elements in his own character as well the rest of German society. In his novel Poet and Merchant (1840), Auerbach insisted that its hero remain both a Jew and a German, for to do otherwise “would tear out his life roots”:

Our source is Jewishness… But source water can feed only a poor stream. To become rivers, we must take up from right and left the brooks issuing from that German nationality [Volkstum] amidst which we live.[79]

 

In correspondence that was not made public until 1927, it was revealed that Bismarck met several times with Ferdinand Lassalle in 1863. Lassalle considered Fichte as “one of the mightiest thinkers of all peoples and ages,” praising his Addresses to the German Nation in a May 1862 speech as “one of the mightiest monuments of fame which our people possesses, and which, in depth and power, far surpass everything of this sort which has been handed down to us from the literature of all time and peoples.”[80] Following his conviction for his involvement in the Revolutions of 1848, Lassalle was banned from residing in Berlin. After Lassalle appealed to his friend Alexander von Humboldt to intercede on his behalf before Kaiser Wilhelm I, the ban was rescinded and Lassalle was again officially allowed to live in the Prussian capital.[81]

In 1863, Lassalle founded the General German Workers’ Association (ADAV) in Leipzig, the first organized mass working-class party in European history. Marx and his associates were disappointed that the ADAV did not choose to join the First International. The socialists grew concerned over the ADAV’s militancy in support of German nationalism and closeness to the militaristic Kingdom of Prussia and the question of Greater Germany.[82] As the ADAV tried to cooperate with Otto von Bismarck’s government, Wilhelm Liebknecht (1826 – 1900) became disillusioned with the association, and on August 7–9, 1869, with August Bebel (1840 – 1913), founded the Social Democratic Workers’ Party (SDAP) in Eisenach. Engels and Marx, being a friend and mentor to both Bebel and Liebknecht, welcomed the SDAP into the First International.

When Bismarck was pressed in the Reichstag by Bebel to provide details about his past relationship with Lassalle, he answered:

He was very much a nationalist and a monarchist. His ideal was the German Empire, and here was our point of contact. As I have said he was ambitious, on a large scale, and there is perhaps room for doubt as to whether, in his eyes, the German Empire ultimately entailed the Hohenzollern or the Lassalle dynasty. […] Our talks lasted for hours and I was always sorry when they came to an end.[83]

According to Margiotta, Rothschild agent Gerson von Bleichröder—a member of the Gesellschaft der Freunde, founded by leading members of the Haskalah in the circle of Moses Mendelssohn and the Hamburg Temple—also financed Otto von Bismarck’s plans for the unification of Germany.[84] As noted by Gordon R. Mork, most politically active Jews supported Bismarck’s nationalist policies.[85] Bismarck drew his leading support from the National Liberal Party, founded by members of the German National Association, and where a number of Jews were prominent. The German National Association dissolved in 1867 after Prussia had attained supremacy in Germany with its victory over rivaling Austria and pushed ahead to unify Germany under Bismarck. Despite his known anti-Semitism, Bismarck’s mother, Luise Wilhelmine Mencken, had often been said to be Jewish.[86] Bismarck’s eldest son Herbert (1849 – 1904) married Countess Marguerite, who was the daughter of Georg Anton, Count of Hoyos and Alice Whitehead. Alice was a granddaughter of Sir James Whitehead, at one time the leader of the London Jewish community.[87] Bismarck consulted with Baron Mayer Carl von Rothschild (1820 – 1886), the grandson of Mayer Amschel Rothschild, who recommended to him Gerson Bleichröder, who took over Bismarck’s control of the Prussian state and the German Empire. The German-American historian Fritz Stern, author of Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichröder, and the Building of the German Empire, has shown that von Bismarck’s successes were heavily attributable to the financial Bleichröder’ support.[88]

In 1871, when Frederick William IV’s brother, Wilhelm I of Prussia, was proclaimed German Kaiser, and the Second German Reich to succeed the First Reich, the Holy Roman Empire, was born and Bismarck became the first Chancellor of the unified German Empire. In 1840, shortly before his father’s death, Wilhelm I was initiated in a special lodge in Berlin, headed by the Grand Masters of the three Berlin Grand Lodges. His induction into the order was in compliance with his father’s wishes that he not join any one particular lodge or system, but that he belong to every lodge in the kingdom and assume the protectorate of all of them.[89]

During the Prussian-led unification of Germany, the National Liberals became the dominant party in the Reichstag. Jews won full civil emancipation in North Germany with the Reich law of 1869, which was extended to Baden, Württemberg and Bavaria with the Imperial constitution of 1871. With the economic crash of 1873, criticism grew against Bismarck’s association with well-known Jews such as Bleichröder, Ludwig Bamberger (1823 – 1899) and Eduard Lasker (1829 – 1884). Bamberger took part in the Revolutions of 1848, as well as the republican uprising in the Palatinate and Baden in 1849, after which he was condemned to death but escaped to Switzerland.[90] Bamberger married Anna Belmont, a relative of the famous banker and Rothschild agent August Belmont, who had emigrated to the United States. He was elected a member of the Reichstag, where he joined the National Liberal Party. In 1852, he went to Paris, where, by means of private connections to the German-Belgian Jewish Bischoffsheim family closely associated with the Goldschmidts, and became managing director of the bank of Bischoffsheim, Goldschmidt & Cie. Lasker at first compromised with Bismarck, who later strenuously opposed Lasker regarding freedom of the press. In 1881, Lasker left the National Liberal Party and helped form the new German Free Thought Party.

When Lasker died in New York in 1884, the Congress of the United States passed a resolution of condolence which read: “That his loss is not alone to be mourned by the people of his native land, where his firm and constant exposition of, and devotion to, free and liberal ideas have materially advanced the social, political and economic conditions of these people, but by the lovers of liberty throughout the world.” Although Bismarck received from the American Minister in Berlin, he declined it, citing that it represented an interference in the political affairs of Germany.[91] Carl Schurz spoke at Lasker’s funeral in New York.


[1] le Forestier. Les Illuminés de Bavière et la franc-maçonnerie allemande, p. 693.

[2] Wilson. “Weimar Politics in the Age of the French Revolution,” pp. 166.

[3] le Forestier. Les Illuminés de Bavière et la franc-maçonnerie allemande, pp. 706–707.

[4] Leopold Engel. Geschichte des Illuminaten-Ordens (Berlin: Hugo Bermühler Verlag, 1906), pp. 447–461 (trans. DeepL). Retrieved from https://de.wikisource.org/wiki/Geschichte_des_Illuminaten-Ordens/Der_Fortbestand_des_Ordens_und_die_Furcht_vor_ihm

[5] Meyer. The Origins of the Modern Jew, pp. 26–27.

[6] “Henriette Herz.” Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved from https://www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/herz-henriette

[7] Paul R. Sweet. Friedrich von Gentz: Defender of the Order (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press,1941), pp. 218–219.

[8] Katz. Jews and Freemasons in Europe 1723-1939, p. 82.

[9] Ibid.

[10] Cited in Mork. “German Nationalism and Jewish Assimilation: The Bismarck Period,” p. 86.

[11] Anthony Smith. Nationalism: Theory, Ideology, History (Polity, 2010), pp. 9, 25–30; Paul James. Nation Formation: Towards a Theory of Abstract Community (London: Sage Publications, 1996).

[12] Ibid.

[13] Philip G. Roeder. Where Nation-States Come From: Institutional Change in the Age of Nationalism (Princeton University Press, 2007). pp. 5–6.

[14] Lloyd S. Kramer. Nationalism in Europe and America (University of North Carolina Press, 2011).

[15] Alexander Motyl, ed.. Encyclopedia of Nationalism, 2 vol. (San Diego: Academic Press, 2001), pp. 171.

[16] Philip G. Roeder. Where Nation-States Come From: Institutional Change in the Age of Nationalism (Princeton University Press, 2007). pp. 5–6.

[17] Kramer. Nationalism in Europe and America.

[18] Alexander Motyl, ed.. Encyclopedia of Nationalism, 2 vol. (San Diego: Academic Press, 2001), pp. 171.

[19] Johann Gottlieb Fichte. “Address to the German Nation” (1808) History Man. Retrieved from http://www.historyman.co.uk/unification/Fichte.html

[20] Dirk Verheyen. The German question: A Cultural, Historical, and Geopolitical Exploration (Westview Press, 1999), pp. 7.

[21] Alfred Rosenberg. Mythus, 142d ed., (Munich, 1938), pp. 539–41.

[22] Deborah Hertz. “Henriette Herz as Jew, Henriette Herz as Christian: Relationships, Conversion, Antisemitism.” In Hannah Lund, Ulrike Schneider and Ulrike Wels (ed.) Die Kommunikations-, Wissens- und Handlungsgräume der Henriette Herz. Schriften des Frühneuzeitlichen Potsdams, vol. 5. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 2017), p. 118.

[23] le Forestier. Les Illuminés de Bavière et la franc-maçonnerie allemande, p. 709.

[24] Thomas Frost. The Secret Societies of the European Revolution, Vol. 1 (London: Tinsley Brothers, 1876), p. 182.

[25] Ibid., p. 205.

[26] Melanson. Perfectibilists.

[27] Fronmüllerchronik (1871), p. 179.

[28] “Hippel (d.J.), Theodor Gottlieb von.” Kulturestiftung der Deutsche Vertriebenen. Retrieved fronm https://kulturstiftung.org/biographien/hippel-d-j-theodor-gottlieb-von-2

[29] John Holland Rose. “Stein, Heinrich Friedrich Karl, Baron vom und zum.” In Hugh Chisholm (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 25, 11th ed. (Cambridge University Press, 1911), p. 871.

[30] le Forestier. Les Illuminés de Bavière et la franc-maçonnerie allemande, p. 709.

[31] Thomas Erne. “Friedrich Schleiermacher und Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy – religiöse Bindung und freies Spiel.” Evangelischen Kirche Berlin-Brandenburg-schlesische Oberlausitz (November 2020). Retrieved from https://www.ekbo.de/index.php?id=16959

[32] Jörg Schmidt. “Fataler Patron.” Die Zeit (7 September 2009). Retrieved from http://www.zeit.de/zeitlaeufte/fataler_patron?page=4

[33] Peter Viereck. Metapolitics: From Wagner and the German Romantics to Hitler (Routledge, 2017).

[34] Otto W. Johnston. Der deutsche Nationalmythos: Ursprung eines politischen Programms (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1990); cited in Daniel Tröhler. “Shaping the National Body: Physical Education and the Transformation of German Nationalism in the Long Nineteenth Century.” Nordic Journal of Educational History, 4: 2 (2017), p. 32.

[35] Tröhler. “Shaping the National Body,” p. 32.

[36] Daniel Lee. “The Legacy of Medieval Constitutionalism in the ‘Philosophy of Right’: Hegel and the Prussian Reform Movement.”History of Political Thought, 29: 4 (2008): 601–34. http://www.jstor.org/stable/44797180.

[37] Deborah Hertz. “The Troubled Friendship of Clemens Brentano and Rahel Levin in the Shadow of the Christlich-deutsche Tischgesellschaft.” The Leo Baeck Institute Year Book, 64: 1 (2019), p. 11.

[38] Viereck. Metapolitics.

[39] Hans Kohn. “Father Jahn’s Nationalism.” The Review of Politics, 11: 4 (October, 1949), p. 431.

[40] Cited in Kohn. “Father Jahn’s Nationalism,” p. 428.

[41] Armin Mohler. Die Konsetvative Revolution in Deutschland 1918-1932 (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1949), p. 137.

[42] Tröhler. “Shaping the National Body,” p. 34.

[43] Salmi. Imagined Germany, p. 40.

[44] “Kulturgeschichte” Zeno. Retrieved from http://www.zeno.org/Kulturgeschichte/M/Herz,+Henriette/Ihr+Leben+und+ihre+Erinnerungen/Biographie

[45] Körner. Theodor Körners Briefwechsel mit den Seinen, 248. Cited in Sebastian Kirsch. “The Long Lives of Old Lutes.” PhD dissertation, Universität Leipzig (1983). Retrieved from https://ul.qucosa.de/api/qucosa%3A86364/attachment/ATT-0/

[46] Thomas Frost. The Secret Societies of the European Revolution, Vol. 1 (London: Tinsley Brothers, 1876), p. 194.

[47] J. Wrey Mould (ed.). “An Account of Weber’s ‘Der Freischütz’.” Der Freischütz: a Lyric Folk-Drama. The Standard Lyric Drama. Vol. 5. (London: T. Boosey and Co., 1849), p. xxvii;  Johann Friedrich Kind. “V. Erläuterungen.” Der Freischütz: Volks-Oper in drei Aufzügen (Leipzig: G. J. Göschen, 1843), p. 215.

[48] Ronald Taylor. “Part 1, Chapter 3: The Adventures of the Journey.” The Devil's Elixirs (Richmond: Oneworld Classics, 1963), pp. 95, 101, 107.

[49] “Schloss Scharfenberg.” Schloss Scharfenberg. Retrieved http://www.schloss-scharfenberg.de/

[50] Deborah Hertz. “Henriette Herz as Jew, Henriette Herz as Christian: Relationships, Conversion, Antisemitism.” In Hannah Lund, Ulrike Schneider and Ulrike Wels (ed.) Die Kommunikations-, Wissens- und Handlungsgräume der Henriette Herz. Schriften des Frühneuzeitlichen Potsdams, vol. 5. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 2017), p. 118.

[51] Ibid., p. 138.

[52] Kohn. “Father Jahn’s Nationalism,” p. 421.

[53] Isidore Singer & A. Kurrein “Friedländer, David.” Jewish Encyclopedia. Retrieved from http://jewishencyclopedia.com/view.jsp?artid=398&letter=F

[54] Kohn. “Father Jahn’s Nationalism,” p. 425.

[55] “E. T. A. Hoffmann.” New World Encyclopedia (October 1, 2020). Retrieved from https://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/p/index.php?title=E._T._A._Hoffmann&oldid=1043144

[56] Glenn R. Sharfman. “Jewish Emancipation.” Encyclopedia of 1848 Revolutions. Retrieved from https://www.ohio.edu/chastain/ip/jewemanc.htm

[57] Glenn R. Sharfman. “Jewish Emancipation.” Encyclopedia of 1848 Revolutions. Retrieved from https://www.ohio.edu/chastain/ip/jewemanc.htm

[58] Wilke. “Who is Afraid of Jewish Universalism?” p. 83.

[59] Adolf Kober. “Jews in the Revolution of 1848 in Germany.” Jewish Social Studies, 10, no. 2 (1948), p. 139. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4615300.

[60] “Jewish Emancipation.” Encyclopedia of Revolutions of 1848. Retrieved from https://www.ohio.edu/chastain/ip/jewemanc.htm

[61] Nicolaevsky & Maenchen-Helfen. Karl Marx, pp. 22–27.

[62] Collected works of Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. Volume 11 (International Publishers: New York, 1979), p. 708.

[63] Carl Shurz. XIII–XIV. Reminiscences. I. (New York: McClure’s, 1907).

[64] Nicolaevsky. “Secret Societies and the First International.”

[65] Marx & Engels. Heroes of the Exile. Chapter X. Retrieved from https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1852/heroes-exile/ch10.htm

[66] le Forestier. Les Illuminés de Bavière et la franc-maçonnerie allemande, pp. 706.

[67] Rolland Ray Lutz. “‘Father’ Jahn and his Teacher-Revolutionaries from the German Student Movement.” The Journal of Modern History, Vol. 48, No. 2, On Demand Supplement (June, 1976), p. 3.

[68] Ibid., p. 16.

[69] E. P. Evans. “Reminiscences of a German Nonagenarian.” The Atlantic (January 1893). Retrieved from https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1893/01/reminiscences-of-a-german-nonagenarian/633557/

[70] Mork. “German Nationalism and Jewish Assimilation: The Bismarck Period,” p. 86.

[71] Ulrike Kirchberger. “The German National League in Britain and Ideas of a German Overseas Empire, 1859–67.” European History Quarterly, Vol. 29:4 (1999), p. 453.

[72] Glenn R. Sharfman. “Jewish Emancipation.” Encyclopedia of 1848 Revolutions. Retrieved from https://www.ohio.edu/chastain/ip/jewemanc.htm

[73] Karl Marx. The Eastern Question (Taylor & Francis Group, 1994), p. 90.

[74] Cited in Glenn R. Sharfman. “Jewish Emancipation.” Encyclopedia of 1848 Revolutions. Retrieved from https://www.ohio.edu/chastain/ip/jewemanc.htm

[75] Julius Rodenberg. Alltagsleben in London (Berlin, 1860), pp. 5–6; cited in Ulrike Kirchberger. “The German National League in Britain and Ideas of a German Overseas Empire, 1859–67.” European History Quarterly, 29: 4 (1999), p. 458.

[76] Jean-Philippe Schreiber. “Jews and Freemasonry in the nineteenth century: An overview of current knowledge.” Archives Juives, 43: 2 (2010), pp. 33.

[77] Emanuel Schreiber. Reformed Judaism and its pioneers. A contribution to its history (Spokane, Wash.: Spokane Printing Company, 1892), p. xxiv.

[78] Letter of 24/27 December 1832, printed in Auerbach’s Briefe an seinen Freund Jakob Auerbach: Em biographische Denkmal (Frankfurt, 1884), 1:16 (henceforth BA). Cited in Paul Lawrence Rose. German Question/Jewish Question: Revolutionary Antisemitism From Kant to Wagner (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 24.

[79] Letter quoted by Zwick. Liberalismus, p. 19n. Cited in Paul Lawrence Rose. German Question/Jewish Question, p. 225.

[80] Rohan Butler. The Roots of National Socialism, 1783–1933 (London: Faber and Faber, 1941), p. 130.

[81] W.H. Dawson. German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle (London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1891), p. 125.

[82] Martin Kitchen. A History of Modern Germany, 1800–2000 (Oxford, UK: Wiley-Blackwell, 1975), p. 102.

[83] David Footman. The Primrose Path: A Biography of Ferdinand Lassalle (London: Cresset Press, 1994), pp. 175–6.

[84] Margiotta. Adriano Lemmi, p. 97; cited in Queenborough. Occult Theocracy, pp. 225.

[85] Mork. “German Nationalism and Jewish Assimilation: The Bismarck Period,”, p. 86.

[86] Fred Hobson. Mencken: A Life (Random 2012).

[87] “Publication of Genealogy Shows Bismarck Descendant of Jews.” Jewish Telegraphic Agency (September 16, 1930).

[88] Fritz Stern. Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichröder and the Building of the German Empire, p. 17.

[89]  George William Speth. Royal Freemasons (Masonic Publishing Company, 1885), p. 28.

[90] Mork. “German Nationalism and Jewish Assimilation: The Bismarck Period,” p. 81.

[91] W.H.F. Henry. The Voice of the People; Or, the History of Political Issues in the United States (J.E. Sherrill, 1885), p. 720.

Zionism