44. The Brotherhood of Death

The Fraternity

The path of Hitler’s seizure of dictatorial powers was paved by Franz von Papen,, who on January 9, with Reich President Paul von Hindenburg agreed to form a new government that would bring in Hitler. Papen’s old friend, Joachim von Ribbentrop, a protégé of Ernst Hanfstaengl, had joined the Nazi Party in 1932, and began his political career by offering to be a secret emissary between him and Hitler. After General Kurt von Schleicher ousted Papen in December 1932, Papen and various friends of Hindenburg negotiated with Hitler to oust him. On the evening of January 22, in a meeting at Ribbontrop’s villa in Berlin, with State Secretary Otto Meissner (1880 – 1953) and Hindenburg’s son Oskar (1883 – 1960) met Hitler, Hermann Göring (1893 – 1946), and Thule Society member Wilhelm Frick (1877 – 1946), Papen made his fateful decision to concede abandoning his claim to the Chancellorship and to support Hitler.[1]

Franz von Papen, along with to Count Johann von Bernstorff, was part of the Zionist and Round Table plotters associated with the Propaganda Kabinett, whose members included George Sylvester Viereck, who operated The Fatherland with Aleister Crowley, and whose contributors included Golden Dawn member Samuel Untermyer.[2] In 1913, von Papen, who would become Vice Chancellor under Hitler, entered the diplomatic service as a military attaché to von Bernstorff, the German ambassador in the United States, and worked out of the New York offices of the Hamburg-America Line. Working out of the New York offices of the Hamburg-America Line, von Papen was Heinrich Albert’s chief accomplice in sabotage operations in the US, until their activities were exposed when Albert’s briefcase was stolen by an American secret service agent in 1915.[3]

In the 1925 presidential elections, von Papen supported Paul von Hindenburg. Between 1928 and 1930, von Papen concentrated his political activity on various conservative organizations, such as the Herrenklub. Hindenburg chose him as Chancellor in 1932. With the formation of Papen’s presidential cabinet in May 1932, after he had been chosen Chancellor by von Hindenburg, the Herrenklub, which at that time had around 5,000 members, gained considerable influence on German politics as Papen’s “main contact point for political suggestions.”[4] For example, Wilhelm Freiherr von Gayl, another prominent member of the club, was appointed to the Reich government as Minister of the Interior. After two Reichstag elections increased the Nazis’ power in the Reichstag, von Papen was forced to resign as Chancellor. After Hitler lost a popular election to von Hindenburg in 1932, thirty-nine business leaders, including Alfred Krupp, Siemens, Herrenclub member Fritz Thyssen and Robert Bosch, sent a petition to von Hindenburg urging that Hitler be appointed Chancellor of Germany.

It wasn’t until after Hitler met in secret with von Papen on January 4, 1933, at the villa of Baron Kurt von Schroeder (1889 – 1966) in the fashionable Braunsfeld neighborhood of Cologne, that Hindenburg would relent and appoint Hitler chancellor, effectively giving birth to the Third Reich.[5] Also attending the meeting were Heinrich Himmler, Rudolf Hess and Hjalmar Schacht, the head of the Reichsbank. The famous meeting was also attended by Sullivan and Cromwell lawyers John Foster and his brother Allen Dulles, future head of the CIA.[6] These men formed part of what Charles Higham, in Trading With the Enemy: The Nazi American Money Plot 1933-1949, called “the Fraternity,” which was a network of the Warburgs and the Rockefeller-controlled Standard Oil and First National City Bank, or the Chase National Bank, who financed the rise of the Third Reich.

The key actors responsible for assisting Hitler’s rise to power were connected to a network of financiers closely associated with the infamous Skull and Bones society at Yale, which was the dominant American chapter of the international Brotherhood of Death secret societies, that included Germany’s Thule Society, later the Nazis. Alexandra Robbins describes the Skull and Bones as “the most powerful secret society the United States has ever known,” and related that the society has been dominated by about two dozen of the country’s most influential families, including the Bush, Bundy, Harriman, Lord, Phelps, Rockefeller, Taft, and Whitney families, who are encouraged to intermarry amongst themselves.[7] Society members dominate financial institutions such as J.P. Morgan, Morgan Stanley Dean Witter, and Brown Brothers Harriman, where at one time more than a third of the partners were Bonesmen. As Robbins explains, “Through these companies, Skull and Bones provided financial backing to Adolf Hitler because the society then followed a Nazi—and now follows a neo-Nazi—doctrine.”[8]

In 1919, Averell Harriman (1891 – 1986) founded W.A. Harriman & Co with fellow Bonesman George Herbert Walker (1875 – 1953), the grandfather of George H.W. Bush, which led the way in directing American money to German companies. In 1926, Walker made his son-in-law, another Bonesman, Prescott Bush (1895 – 1972), vice president of W.A. Harriman. In 1931, W.A. Harriman merged with Brown Brothers creating Brown Brothers, Harriman & Company, where more than a third of their partners were Bonesmen. Prescott Bush was a senior partner of Brown Brothers, Harriman & Company.

Walker was president of Union Banking Corporation (UBC), was in fact a front for numerous German nationals. In 1926, Prescott Bush was assigned to UBC, where he oversaw its German operations from 1926 until 1942. Bush looked after the American interests of Fritz Thyssen, who controlled the vast German Steel Trust. According to government and Thyssen family records, Thyssen’s contributions were a major reason Hitler succeeded in his climb to power.[9] Under the authority of the Trading with the Enemy Act, President Roosevelt personally approved an investigation, which concluded that UBC had been the single largest front for the Nazis operating in the United States. The Alien Property Custodian issued a Vesting Order, which detailed how UBC and other entities operated by the Bush, Walker, and Harriman families had assisted the Nazi war effort. The Alien Property Custodian also concluded that Brown Brothers had been used as a front by the Nazis and that the Germans had controlled these strategic interests since the 1920s.[10]

Prescott Bush was selected by Max Warburg to be the American Ship & Commerce Line official representative on the board of the Hamburg-Amerika Line, a shipping line and cover for IG Farben’s Nazi espionage unit in the United States. IG Farben, which was indispensable to the German war effort, was formed when Carl Duisburg, the chairman of Bayer, argued for a merger of German manufacturers of synthetic dyes and other chemical products. Duisburg was inspired following a visit to the United States in the spring of 1903, when he visited several of the large American trusts such as Standard Oil, US Steel, International Paper and Alcoa. In the 1920s, the dye industry leaders, led by Duisberg and Carl Bosch of BASF, successfully pushed for the merger of the dye makers into a single company. In 1925, the companies merged into the Interessengemeinschaft Farbenindustrie AG or IG Farben. During World War I, Duisberg had devised the slave-labor system later perfected by the company.[11] Duisberg was also responsible for the development and implementation of “Gruenkreuz” (phosgene) and “Mustard gas,” and aggressively pushed forth their use, in deliberate contravention of The Hague Land Warfare Convention. In Leverkusen, Duisberg set up a school specifically for chemical warfare. Duisberg also provided substantial financial support to the Nazi with the agreement that the government would only buy chemical products from IG Farben.[12]

The company had become a donor to the Nazi Party in the 1930s, and was a large government contractor after the Nazi takeover of Germany, providing significant material for the German war effort. IG Farben also ultimately produced the Zyklon B gas used in Nazi extermination camps. The huge corporation, which soon included related industries such as explosives and fibers, was the biggest enterprise in all of Europe and the fourth largest in the world, behind General Motors, United States Steel and Standard Oil of New Jersey. IG Farben and Rockefeller’s Standard Oil were effectively a single firm, having been merged in hundreds of cartel arrangements. It was led up until 1937 by Rockefeller’s partners, the Warburgs. Since 1927, Max Warburg served on the board of directors of IG Farben, while his brother Paul served on the board of directors of the company’s wholly-owned American subsidiary, which was also associated with Standard Oil.[13]

 

Tower of Basel

Warburg was also a close friend with Montagu Norman (1871 – 1950), chairman of the Bank of England, who was also a partner in Brown Brothers, Harriman and a close friend of Prescott Bush. Norman was a close friend of Hjalmar Schacht, who was appointed to head the Reichsbank under direct recommendation from Adolf Hitler, and the godfather to one of Schacht’s grandchildren.[14] Although born in Germany, Schacht spent part of his early upbringing in Brooklyn and maintained powerful Wall Street connections.[15] Schacht was also a Freemason, having joined the lodge Urania zur Unsterblichkeit in 1908.[16] Schacht was also a member of the Gesellschaft der Freunde, founded during the Haskalah by members of Moses Mendelssohn’s circle.

Schacht and Norman were both members of the Bank for International Settlements (BIS), founded in 1930. According to Higham, “sensing Adolf Hitler’s lust for war and conquest, Schacht, even before Hitler rose to power in the Reichstag, pushed for an institution that would retain channels of communication and collusion between the world’s financial leaders even in the event of an international conflict.”[17] Though the BIS was an instrument of the Nazis, its operations were approved by Great Britain, and the British director Sir Otto Niemeyer, and chairman and devoted Hitler supporter Montagu Norman, remained in office throughout the war.[18] Formed in 1930, the BIS was an intergovernmental organization of central banks of six nations: Belgium, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, and the United Kingdom. According to the Bank’s charter, the respective governments agreed that the BIS should be immune from seizure, closure, or censure, whether or not its owners were at war. These owners included the Bank of England, the Reichsbank, the Bank of Italy, the Bank of France, and three private international banks from the United States: J.P. Morgan & Company, First National Bank of Chicago and First National City Bank of New York, which later became Chase Manhattan Bank when it merged with the Rockefeller-dominated Chase City Bank, and eventually Citibank. Established under the Morgan banker Owen D. Young’s so-called Young Plan, the BIS’s ostensible purpose was to provide the Allies with reparations to be paid by Germany for World War I. At the time, Young concurrently served on board of trustees of the Rockefeller Foundation, and also had been one of the representatives involved in a previous war-reparations restructuring arrangement, the Dawes Plan of 1924.

However, noted Higham, “the Bank soon turned out to be the instrument of an opposite function. It was to be a money funnel for American and British funds to flow into Hitler’s coffers and to help Hitler build up his war machine.”[19] By the outbreak of World War II, reports Higham, the BIS was completely under Hitler’s control. Among the directors under Thomas H. McKittrick were Hermann Schmitz, head of IG Farben, Baron Kurt von Schroder, head of the J.H. Stein Bank of Cologne and a leading officer and financier of the Gestapo; and Dr. Walther Funk of the Reichsbank and Emil Puhl, who were Hitler’s personal appointees to the board.[20]

While in the past Norman’s role in the transferring of Czech gold to the Nazi regime in March 1939 was uncertain, a vault in Basel, Switzerland, holds politically sensitive documents from World War II, which historians believe will demonstrate that Norman “bent over backwards to help the Nazi war machine.”[21] On March 15, 1939, after Hitler completed his invasion of Czechoslovakia, he found that the country’s gold reserve had already been transferred via BIS in the Bank of England. The Germans ordered them to retrieve it. Careful investigation by historian David Blaazer of the Bank of England’s internal memos has established that Norman knowingly authorized the transfer of Czech gold from Czechoslovakia’s account with the BIS to an account which Norman knew was managed by the German Reichsbank.[22] Norman’s arrangement was no surprise says Scott Newton, lecturer in modern history at Cardiff University. “Monty Norman and the leading merchant banks in the City [of London] were up to their necks in helping to prop up the German financial system. The Germans owed a lot of money to British banks.”[23]

 

Freundeskreis

Hjalmar Schacht was a member of the Circle of Friends of the Economy, for Freundeskreis der Wirtschaft, a pro-Hitler lobbying group established by Wilhelm Keppler, in order to strengthen ties between prominent industrialists and members of Hitler’s inner circle. Keppler, who had been a member of the Nazi Party since 1927, and a friend of Heinrich Himmler, formed the Freundeskreis after Hitler’s request in 1932 for the formation of a “study group on economic questions.”[24] The financial manager of the Freundeskreis was Baron Kurt Freiherr von Schroeder, a German nobleman, financier and SS-Brigadeführer. Dissatisfied with the instability of the Weimar Republic, Schroeder first joined the center right and pro-monarchist German People’s Party led by Gustav Stresemann. After Stresemann’s death, however, Schroeder increasingly veered towards the nascent National Socialist movement before becoming an influential fundraiser and economic advisor to the Nazi Party.

Kurt von Schroeder was the head of the international Schroder banking empire, and had extensive financial contacts in New York and London. Kurt von Schroder was a co-director of Thyssen foundry along with Johann Groeninger, Prescott Bush’s New York bank partner. Schroeder was also the vice president and director of the Hamburg-Amerika Line. George Herbert Walker helped take over North American operations of the company. Hamburg-Amerika smuggled in German agents, and brought in money for bribing American politicians to support Hitler. A 1934 congressional investigation also showed that Hamburg-Amerika was subsidizing Nazi propaganda efforts in the United States.[25]

After serving a stint in Constantinople, Allen Dulles became the first new director of the Council on Foreign Relations in 1927, and joined his brother John Foster as a lawyer in Sullivan and Cromwell. As Dulles’ biographer Peter Grose notes, Sullivan and Cromwell, “constituted a strategic nexus of international finance, the operating core of a web of relationships that constituted power, carefully crafted to accrue and endure across sovereign borders.”[26] As partners in the firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, Allen and John Foster Dulles also represented IG Farben.

An agreement to coordinate all trade between Germany & America was reached in Berlin after negotiations between Hjalmar Schacht and John Foster Dulles. As a result, Oliver Harriman, Averell’s cousin, formed a syndicate of 150 firms to conduct all business between Germany and the United States.[27] Beginning in 1933, Max Warburg also served directly under Hjalmar Schacht on the board of the Reichsbank. Two executives of Standard Oil’s German subsidiary were Karl Lindemann and Emil Helfferich, prominent figures the Freundeskreis, its chief financiers and close friends and colleagues of Baron von Schroder.[28] Prior to the war, Allen Dulles was a director of the J. Henry Schroeder bank in London.

Max Warburg was forced out of IG Farben through “Aryanization” in 1933. Jews were then expelled from the board of directors altogether in 1937, together with Otto von Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, the eldest child of Paul Mendelssohn Bartholdy and his first wife, Else Mendelssohn Bartholdy (1845 – 1868), born Oppenheim. The parents were as direct descendants of Moses Mendelssohn in the third or fourth generation remotely related to each other. As principal shareholder of Agfa, which was founded by his father and merged with IG Farben, Otto was a member of the supervisory board of both companies. Of the 24 directors of IG Farben indicted in the so-called IG Farben Trial (1947 – 1948) before the subsequent Nuremberg Trials, 13 were sentenced to prison terms between one and eight years, but most were quickly released and several became senior industry executives in the post-war companies that split off from IG Farben and other companies.

 

Reichsmarschall

Göring joined the Nazi Party in 1922 after hearing a speech by Hitler. He was given command of the SA as the Oberster SA-Führer in 1923. At this time, Carin—who liked Hitler—often played hostess to meetings of leading Nazis, including her husband, Hitler, Rudolf Hess, Alfred Rosenberg, and Ernst Röhm.[29] Göring, who was with Hitler leading the march to the War Ministry, was shot in the groin. With Carin’s help, he was smuggled to Innsbruck, where he received surgery and was given morphine for the pain, developing a morphine addiction which lasted until his imprisonment at Nuremberg. Göring was certified a dangerous drug addict and was placed in Långbro asylum in 1925 where he had to be confined in a straitjacket.[30]

Göring once reprimanded an aide for an anti-Semitic remark about one of his dinner guests and said, “I’ll decide who is and who is not a Jew.”[31] Göring retained Milch as his Luftwaffe adjutant; shielded Ilse Ballin, a Jewish woman who treated him when he was wounded in Beer Hall Putsch; gained Vollarier (“full Aryan”) status for synthetic fat inventor Arthur Imhausen; protected art dealer Kurt Walther Bachstitz, the Jewish wife of half-Jewish sons of General Bernhard Kuhl, part-Jewish Baroness Elisabeth von Stengl, half-Jewish female test pilot Melitta Schenck von Stauffenberg, Prussian Theater director Gustav Grundgens, and several of his wife Emmy’s Jewish theatrical friends.[32]

Göring’s mother was Franziska Tiefenbrunn, a German-Jewish Surname. Hermann’s father Heinrich Ernst Göring (1839 – 1913) married Franziska in London, where he had been sent by Bismarck to study British methods of colonial administration before being appointed colonial governor of Germany’s fledgling Protectorate of South West Africa, where he became a friend of Cecil Rhodes.[33] In Africa, Heinrich also befriended Dr. Hermann Epenstein, a wealthy Jewish physician and businessman, who provided the Göring family, who were surviving on Heinrich’s pension, first with a family home in Berlin-Friedenau, then in a small castle called Veldenstein, near Nuremberg. Göring’s mother became Epenstein’s mistress around this time, and remained so for some fifteen years.[34] Epenstein was at Franziska’s side when his namesake, Hermann, was born and upon the birth of her youngest child, Albert Günther, he announced that he would become the Göring children’s godfather. Epenstein acted as a surrogate father to the children as Heinrich Göring was often absent from the family home.[35]

In 1920, while she was estranged from her first husband, Göring met his wife Carin von Kantzow at Rockelstad Castle in Sweden, while she was visiting her sister Mary, who was married to Count Eric von Rosen (1879 – 1948). Eric von Rosen’s father was Count Carl Gustaf von Rosen and his mother was Ella Carlton Moore of Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, a descendant of the Winthrop family of Rosicrucians.[36] Eric von Rosen had been using a swastika as a personal owner’s mark, and used the symbol as a decorative element throughout the house. He first found swastikas on a Viking rune-stone on Gotland, where he was attending high-school. During his travels among the descendants of the Inca in Bolivia, he was surprised to find the swastika common among them, and surmised that this was a universal symbol that had been used by many cultures all over the world.[37] Being a friend of Finland, in 1918, to signify the beginning of the Finnish Air Force, he gave the newly independent state an aircraft marked with his badge, a blue swastika on a white background. The Finnish Air Force adopted this roundel as their national insignia until sometime during World War II.[38]

At the Nuremberg Trial, Göring testified: “I had no desire to see the Jews liquidated. I just wanted them out of Germany.”[39] Göring spoke to his brother Albert Göring (1895 – 1966) and others of building an independent Jewish state the size of Lichtenstein near Warsaw. In contrast to his brother Hermann, Albert was opposed to Nazism and helped Jews and others who were persecuted in Nazi Germany. In 2016, Albert’s daughter told the BBC that her mother said that Albert told her that her lover, the Jewish doctor von Hermann Epenstein, who served as surrogate father to the children, was his father.[40]

Albert regularly went to Hermann Göring’s Berlin office to seek his help on behalf of a Jewish friend or political prisoner. In 2010, Edda Göring, the daughter of Hermann, said of her uncle Albert in The Guardian, “He could certainly help people in need himself financially and with his personal influence, but, as soon as it was necessary to involve higher authority or officials, then he had to have the support of my father, which he did get.”[41] Albert and his sister Olga pleaded for Hermann to intervene on behalf of Archduke Josef Ferdinand of Austria, the last Habsburg Prince of Tuscany, then detained at Dachau concentration camp. “Hermann was very embarrassed. But the next day the imprisoned Habsburger was free,” Albert recollected to his old friend Ernst Neubach. As Albert became ever more bold in his attempts, the Gestapo compiled a large file against him. Although four arrest warrants were issued in his name during the war, through his brother’s influence, he was never convicted. The brothers met for the last time in May 1945, in a transit jail in Augsburg. Albert spent two years in prison, unable to convince his interrogators of his innocence. One report reads: “The results of the interrog­ation of Albert Göring, brother of the Reichsmarschall Herman [sic], constitutes as clever a piece of rationalisation and ‘white wash’ as SAIC [Seventh Army ­Interrogation Center] has ever seen.”[42]

 

Reichstag Fire

It was in the same January 29, 1933, meeting that von Papen first learned that Hitler wanted to dissolve the Reichstag when he became Chancellor and, once the Nazis had won a majority of the seats in the ensuing elections, to activate the Enabling Act, a law that gave German Cabinet—in effect, the Chancellor—the power to enact laws without the involvement of the Reichstag, and to override fundamental aspects of the Weimar Constitution.[43] The arson attack on the Reichstag on February 27, 1933, depicted by the Nazis as the beginning of a communist revolution, resulted in the Reichstag Fire Decree, which among other things suspended freedom of press and habeas corpus rights just five days before the election. In The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, William L. Shirer wrote that at Nuremberg, General Franz Halder stated in an affidavit, that Göring boasted about setting the fire: “On the occasion of a lunch on the Führer’s birthday in 1943, the people around the Führer turned the conversation to the Reichstag building and its artistic value. I heard with my own ears how Göring broke into the conversation and shouted: ‘The only one who really knows about the Reichstag building is I, for I set fire to it.’”[44]

After being appointed Chancellor of Germany on January 30, 1933, Hitler asked von Hindenburg to dissolve the Reichstag. A general election was scheduled for March 5, 1933. A secret meeting was held between Hitler and a number of industrialists at Göring’s official residence in the Reichstag Presidential Palace, aimed at financing the election campaign of the Nazi Party. The Nazi Party wanted to achieve two-thirds majority to pass the Enabling Act and desired to raise three million Reichsmark to fund the campaign. Present at the meeting, among many others, were Hjalmar Schacht, Gustav Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach, Fritz von Opel, board member of Adam Opel AG, and Georg von Schnitzler, board member of IG Farben. Schacht requested three million Reichsmark, which was made out to Nationale Treuhand, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht and deposited in the Bank of Delbrück Schickler & Co.[45] A statement from the IG Farben Trial indicated a total of 2,071,000 Reichsmark had been paid. The money then went to Rudolf Hess who transferred it to Franz Eher Nachfolger, the central publishing house of the Nazi Party which had been owned by Rudolf von Sebottendorf and published Völkischer Beobachter and Hitler’s Mein Kampf.

Through various intimidation tactics of the SA, and with the help of their DNVP allies, the Nazis garnered enough votes to pass the Enabling Act on March 23, 1933, with only the SPD in opposition. For all intents and purposes, the entire Weimar Constitution was rendered void.[46] Enacted by the Reich government using the Enabling Act, the Provisional Law on the Coordination of the States with the Reich, passed March 31, dissolved the sitting parliaments of all German states except the recently elected Prussian parliament, which the Nazis already controlled. Through June and July, even their the DNVP, as well as the German State Party, the Bavarian People’s Party, the German People’s Party and the Centre Party, all formally disbanded. The Law Against the Formation of Parties, passed on July 14, 1933, declared the NSDAP as the country's only legal political party. The Law Concerning the Head of State of the German Reich, passed on August 1, 1934, combined the office of Reich President with that of Reich Chancellor under the title of Führer and Reich Chancellor.

One of Göring’s first acts as a cabinet minister was to oversee the creation of the Gestapo, which he ceded to Himmler in 1934. Göring was made a Reich Plenipotentiary, whose jurisdiction covered the responsibilities of various cabinet ministries, including those of the Minister of Economics, the Defense Minister and the Minister of Agriculture. Upon being named Plenipotentiary of the Four Year Plan in 1936, Göring was entrusted with the task of mobilizing all sectors of the economy for war, an assignment which brought numerous government agencies under his control and helped him become one of the wealthiest men in the country. The plan was part of the alternative governmental structure created by Hitler and the Nazi Party, which included entities such as Organisation Todt and the unification of the SS and the German police forces, including the Gestapo, under Himmler.[47]

 

 

 


[1] Henry Ashby Turner. Hitler’s Thirty Days to Power: January 1933 (Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley, 1996), p. 112.

[2] Levenda. Unholy Alliance, p. 255.

[3] James P. Duffy. Target America: Hitler's Plan to Attack the United States (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004), p. 7.

[4] “Deutscher Herrenklub.” Wikipedia (January 13, 2024). Retrieved from https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deutscher_Herrenklub

[5] Glen Yeadon & John Hawkins. Nazi Hydra in America: Suppressed History of America (Joshua Tree, Calif: Progressive Press, 2008), p. 19.

[6] Yeadon & Hawkins. Nazi Hydra in America, p. 436.

[7] Alexandra Robbins. Secrets of the Tomb.

[8] Ibid.

[9] Joseph Trento. Prelude to Terror: Edwin P. Wilson and the Legacy of America’s Private Intelligence Network (New York: Carroll & Graf Publishers, 2005), p. 5.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Hopsicker. Welcome to TerrorLand: Mohamed Atta & the 9-11 Cover-up in Florida (MadCow Press, 2004), p. 337.

[12] Mihai Andrei. “Former BAYER Chief Who Promoted Heroin Use Spurned by German Cities.” ZME Science (December 17, 2014).

[13] Ron Chernow. The Warburgs: The Twentieth-Century Odyssey of a Remarkable Jewish Family (New York: Vintage Books, 1993), p. 377.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Charles Higham. Trading with the Enemy: The Nazi - American Money Plot 1933-1949 (Delacorte Press, 1983), p. 1.

[16] Hjalmar Schacht. Confessions of the “Old Wizard.” (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1956), p. 105.

[17] Higham. Trading with the Enemy, p. 7.

[18] Ibid., p. 7.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Chris Blackhurst. “The Nazis’ British bankers.” Independent (March 29, 2997).

[22] David Blaazer. “Finance and the End of Appeasement: The Bank of England, the National Government and the Czech Gold.” Journal of Contemporary History (2005) 40 (1): 25–39. 

[23] Blackhurst. “The Nazis’ British bankers.”

[24] Antony C. Sutton. “Chapter 9: Wall Street and the Nazi Inner Circle.” Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler (Clairview Books, 2010).

[25] Trento. Prelude to Terror, p. 5.

[26] Peter Grose. Gentlemen Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles (Amherts: University of Massachusetts Press, 1994), p. 90.

[27] Yeadon & Hawkins. Nazi Hydra in America, p. 386.

[28] Higham. Trading with the Enemy, p. 20.

[29] Manvell & Fraenkel. Goering, p. 47.

[30]  Ibid., p. 404.

[31] Ian Kershaw. Hitler 1889-1936: Hubris (New York: W.W. Norton Co., 1998), p. 241.

[32] Joseph Howard Tyson. The Surreal Reich (Bloomington: iUniverse, 2010), p. 430.

[33] Roger Manvell & Heinrich Fraenkel. Goering: The Rise and Fall of the Notorious Nazi Leader (Skyhorse, 2011).

[34] Blaine Taylor. Hermann Goering in the First World War: The Personal Photograph Albums of Hermann Goering (Fonthill Media, 2017).

[35] William Hastings Burke. “Albert Göring, Hermann’s anti-Nazi brother.” The Guardian (February 20, 2010).

[36] William Addams Reitwiesner. “The Ancestors of Senator John Forbes Kerry (b. 1943).” WARGS.COM. Retrieved from http://www.wargs.com/political/kerry.html

[37] Manvell & Fraenkel. Goering, pp. 403–404.

[38] “Rockelstad History.” Rockelstad.se. Retrieved from https://web.archive.org/web/20131226072518/http://www.rockelstad.se/english/hermann-goring.asp

[39] Kershaw. Hitler 1889-1936, p. 241.

[40] Esler Gavin. “The Good Goering.” Seriously. BBC. Radio 4 (January 27, 2016).

[41] William Hastings Burke. “Albert Göring, Hermann’s anti-Nazi brother.” The Guardian (February 20, 2010).

[42] Ibid.

[43] Blum. The Rise of Fascism In Europe, pp. 145–146.

[44] Shirer, William. The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (New York: Touchstone, 1959). p. 193.

[45] Helmut Müller. Die Zentralbank — eine Nebenregierung: Reichsbankpräsident Hjalmar Schacht als Politiker der Weimarer Republik (Springer-Verlag, 2013), p. 114.

[46] Richard J. Evans. The Coming of the Third Reich (Penguin Books, 2003), pp. 351–354.

[47] Alan Bullock. Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives (New York: Knopf, 1991), p.426.

Zionism