4. The League of Nations

United States of Europe

Italian Prime Minister Antonio Salandra (1853 – 1931) boasted that the Treaty of London was “the greatest, if not the first completely spontaneous act of foreign policy executed by Italy since the Risorgimento.”[1] Italy entered into the World War I with the aim of completing national unity, and is therefore considered the Fourth Italian War of Independence, and the climax of the Risorgimento, the movement for Italian unification started by Mazzini and Garibaldi.[2] In the final weeks before entering the war, patriotic fervor was whipped up by speeches of Gabriele D’Annunzio, Grand Master of the Grand Orient of Italy.[3] Freemasonry was highly influential in Italian politics. Freemasons took on the challenge of mobilizing the press, public opinion, and the leading political parties in support of Italy’s joining the war as an ally of France and Great Britain. Freemasonry had historically promoted cosmopolitan universal values, and by 1917 onwards they reverted to their internationalist stance and pressed for the creation of a League of Nations to promote a new post-war universal order based upon the peaceful coexistence of independent and democratic nations.[4]

The end of World War I and the Paris Peace Conference of 1919, not only opened the way to fulfill the Balfour Declaration with the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine, but provided the opportunity for the implementation of the Masonic plan of the League of Nations in 1920, a precursor to the United Nations founded in 1946, a first step towards World Government. In his 1920 message to Congress after World War I, US President Woodrow Wilson, made reference to the notion of “Manifest Destiny,” a phrase first coined in 1845 by John O’Sullivan, the editor of the Democratic Review, which was the center of the Young America Movement. Wilson stated:

 

 …I think we all realize that the day has come when Democracy is being put upon its final test. The Old World is just now suffering from a wanton rejection of the principle of democracy and a substitution of the principle of autocracy as asserted in the name, but without the authority and sanction, of the multitude. This is the time of all others when Democracy should prove its purity and its spiritual power to prevail. It is surely the manifest destiny of the United States to lead in the attempt to make this spirit prevail.[5]

 

Sidney Sonnino, the Italian-Jewish Mason who took part in negotiations on behalf of the Italian government subsequent to the Sykes-Picot agreement, was a member of the Masonic Grand Lodge of Italy, which played a foundational role in the establishment of the League of Nations. The concept of a peaceful community of nations had been proposed as early as 1795, by the German Enlightenment philosopher Immanuel Kant, who was influenced by Moses Mendelssohn, whose ideas of religious reform in Judaism laid the foundation for the development of Zionism. In Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch, Kant outlined the idea of a league of nations to control conflict and promote peace between states.[6] Mazzini’s revolutionary ideas would later inspire aspirations of the various organization associated with the Grand Lodge of Italy, in particularly, to create the League of Nations. Mazzini argued for a reorganization of the European political order on the basis of two primary principles: democracy and national self-determination. To him, the nation was a necessary intermediary step in the progressive association of mankind, the means toward a future international “brotherhood” of humanity. Mazzini even conceived that Europe’s nations might one day be able to join together in a “united States of Europe.”[7] As explained by David Fromkin, in his Pulitzer Prize winning A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Making of the Modern Middle East:

 

The future return to Zion remained a Messianic vision until the ideology of nineteenth-century Europe converted it into a contemporary political program. A representative idea of that time—which had been planted everywhere by the armies of the French Revolution and had flourished—was that every nation ought to have an independent country of its own (though, of course, what constituted a nation was an open question). The Italian revolutionary Giuseppe Mazzini was the outstanding proponent of this doctrine, according to which each nation should be freed to realize its unique genius and to pursue its particular mission in the service of mankind. Thus the nationalism of each nation serves not merely its own interests but also those of its neighbors; and in the service of this creed Mazzini’s colleague Giuseppe Garibaldi—Italy’s greatest hero—fought for Uruguay and France as well as Italy.

A converse of this proposition was that a fundamental cause of the world’s ills was that some nations were being kept from achieving unity or independence—a situation that Mazzini and his followers proposed to change by war or revolution. Their program was taken over from the left by the right—Italy and Germany were formed into countries by Cavour and Bismarck respectively—and became a common theme of European political discourse.[8]

 

W.T. Stead—founding member of the Round Table, friend of Blavatsky, Annie Besant and Juliette Adam who led the circle for forgers associated with the Protocols of Zion—interviewed Theodor Herzl at the Hague Conference of 1899, which is considered an important step to the Masonic plan to establish a League of Nations.[9] The Hague Conference, which preceded by the League of Nations, would meet in the Palais Electoral in Geneva, where the Inaugural Congress of the League of Peace and Freedom was held on September 5, 1867. The congress was organized by Jules Barni (1818 – 1878), a member of the Grande Loge de France, and enlisted the support of John Stuart Mill, Élisée Reclus, and his brother Élie Reclus. Though based in Bern, the League of Peace and Freedom maintained branches in France, Belgium, Italy German and England. Other notable supporters included contemporary activists, revolutionaries, and intellectuals such as Mikhail Bakunin, Victor Hugo, Garibaldi, Louis Blanc, Edgar Quinet, Jules Favre, and Alexander Herzen.[10] Ladislas Mickiewicz, the son of Frankist Polish poet Adam Mickiewicz, addressed a letter to the Congress.[11]

The object of the congress, a stated in its program, was “to determine the political and economic conditions of peace among the nations, and in particular to establish the United States of Europe.”[12] The arrival of Garibaldi, past Grand Master of the Grand Orient of Italy and the Supreme Council of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite, was received with an ovation before he occupied a seat on the president’s right as delegate of honor.[13] Among the twelve points in the program listed by Garibaldi were that all nations are sisters and that war between them is impossible. All disputes between them should be judged by the Congress, whose members are to be democratically elected by their own countries. “The Papacy, as the most pernicious of sects, is abolished,” and “The religion of God is adopted by the Congress,” and “The Congress dedicates to the priesthood chosen men of science and intellect; it consigns to perdition the priests of ignorance.”[14]

The Grand Orient of France convened a worldwide Masonic assembly in Paris on August 31, 1900, to realize the Masonic dream of establishing a “Universal Republic.”[15] In 1902, the Review of Italian Freemasonry of the Grand Orient of Italy, published an article by Emilio Bossi (1870 – 1920), in which he stated:

 

It is up to Freemasonry to give rise to the preparation for the future creation of the Federation of the United States of Europe, a prelude to the United States of the World.[16]

 

In 1899, W.T. Stead would become the driving force behind a one-world government scheme known as The Hague Convention, called by Tsar Nicholas II.[17] As explained by Stewart J. Brown, “Stead believed that he had been God’s principal agent in bringing about the conference.”[18] Though the Conference did not achieve all he had hoped for, Stead hailed the convention as “the meeting of a Parliament of Man laying the foundations of the federation of the world.”[19] “The work of the Twentieth Century,” he proclaimed, would be “the destruction of Nationalism Militant, the death-knell of which was sounded at the Conference of the Hague” and the spread of internationalism. As his brother Herbert described, Stead’s “culminating life-work was for ‘the Parliament of Man, the Federation of the World’.” After The Hague Conference, Herbert suggested to his brother a new motto for The Review of Reviews: “One World, One People, One Destiny.”[20] By 1910, international law developed with the first Geneva Conventions establishing laws dealing with humanitarian relief during wartime, and the international Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907 governing rules of war and the peaceful settlement of international disputes. Theodore Roosevelt, at the acceptance for his Nobel Prize in 1910, said: “it would be a masterstroke if those great powers honestly bent on peace would form a League of Peace.”[21]

The idea of reintroducing Freemasonry as a player on the international stage with the launch of a peace initiative that was directly linked to Freemasonry began in January 1917, when the Grand Orient of Italy and the Grande Loge de France, both of the Scottish Rite, summoned a meeting with all the Masonic organizations of the Allied governments. Delegates from Belgium, Portugal, and Serbia were present, as well as GOI’s spokesperson, Grand Master Ettore Ferrari, whose trip to Istanbul in 1901 that inspired the founding of the Macedonia Risorta, the parent lodge of the Yount Turk movement.[22] The meeting was a preparatory debate in for a far more important congress, open to Freemasons from the neutral countries as well, that was held in Paris in June 1917. Attending were Spanish, Swiss, American, Argentinean and Brazilian delegations. This congress had the “task of finding a way in which to establish the League of Nations, so as to avoid the repetition of a similar catastrophe that would cast the civilized world into mourning.”[23] During both the first and the second congress there were no representatives from the United Grand Lodge of England which remained faithful to the principle of no interference in political matters and preferred to dedicate 1917 to celebrating its bicentenary. The congress approved a draft constitution for the League of Nations, prepared by André Lebey (1877 – 1938), a high-ranking figure of the Grande Loge de France.[24] Lebey was a friend of the friend poet Paul Valéry (1871 – 1945), who would represent France on cultural matters at the League of Nations.

 

Paris Peace Conference

Sharif Hussein refused to ratify Treaty of Versailles, signed on June 28, 1919, at the Paris Peace Conference, a set of formal and informal diplomatic meetings in 1919 and 1920 after the end of World War I, after the war, in which the victorious Allies set the peace terms and territorial divisions for the defeated Central Powers, which consisted of the German Empire, Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire and Bulgaria. The five great powers at that time, France, Britain, Italy, Japan and the United States, controlled the Conference. The “Big Four” leaders were French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, US President Woodrow Wilson, and Italian Prime Minister Vittorio Emanuele Orlando. As Orlando was unable to speak English, he conducted negotiations jointly with his Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino.[25] The major decisions of the Paris Peace Conference were the creation of the League of Nations and the five peace treaties with the defeated states. Main arrangements agreed upon in the treaties were, among others, the transition of German and Ottoman overseas possessions as “mandates” from the hands of these countries chiefly into the hands of Britain and France; the imposition of reparations upon Germany, and the drawing of new national boundaries, to reflect ethnic boundaries more closely. The main result was the Treaty of Versailles.

US President Woodrow Wilson openly acknowledged his debt to Mazzini. According to Stefano Recchia and Nadia Urbinati, in A Cosmopolitanism of Nations: Giuseppe Mazzini's Writings on Democracy, Nation Building, and International Relations, “…Mazzini deserves to be seen as the leading pioneer of the more activist and progressive “Wilsonian” branch of liberal internationalism.”[26] Mazzini believed that a united Italy would have the potential to lead the drive for the creation of a European union, but on several occasions he speculated that perhaps Great Britain, or even the United States, as expressed in “America as a Leading nation in the cause of Liberty,” might be better suited to fulfill the role of democratic leadership.[27] Wilson explicitly claimed that he had closely studied Mazzini’s writings and confessed that he “derived guidance from the principles which Mazzini so eloquently expressed.” Wilson added that with the end of World War I he hoped to contribute to “the realization of the ideals to which his [Mazzini’s] life and thought were devoted.”[28]

In 1917,  Wilson had commissioned a group of about 150 academics, known as “The Inquiry,” to research topics likely to arise in diplomatic talks on the European stage, and to develop a set of principles to be used for the peace negotiations in order to end World War I. The results of this research were summarized in the so-called “Fourteen Points” document that became the basis for the terms of the German surrender during the conference, as it had earlier been the basis of the German government’s negotiations in the Armistice of November 11, 1918. The group was directed by Wilson’s presidential adviser, “Colonel” Edward House (1858 – 1938), and Walter Lippman (1889 – 1974) serving as head of research, and also included the Frankist Louis Brandeis. The Sabbatean Rabbi Stephen Wise acted as an important intermediary to Wilson and House, when, with Brandeis and Felix Frankfurter, another Frankist, he helped formulate the text of the Balfour Declaration.[29] Rabbi Wise referred to House in his autobiography, Challenging Years, as “the unofficial Secretary of State.”[30]

According to The Anglo-American Establishment by Carroll Quigley, Col. House, along with Walter Lippmann, J.P. Morgan, John D. Rockefeller and Andrew Carnegie, were all members of the Round Table. Like his son, J.P. Morgan Jr., J.P. Morgan belonged to the American branch of the Sovereign Order of Saint John of Jerusalem (SOSJ), part of the Russian Tradition of the Knights Hospitaller, which evolved from the Knights of Malta. Colonel A. Cherep Spiridovich was President of the Catholic Grand Priory and was one of the principal organizers of the American branch of the SOSJ. In 1893, Cherep Spiridovich, the Grand Duke Alexander and Prince Cantacuzene, introduced to American civic leaders the SOSJ White Cross at the Chicago World’s Fair, which also included the Parliament of the World’s Religions.[31]

The most prominent families in the United States joined the American Grand Priory of the SOSJ, which was thereby transformed into the first American civilian foreign intelligence network. An early and prominent member of the American White Cross was Wall Street lawyer William Nelson Cromwell (1854 – 1948). The law firm of Sullivan & Cromwell, founded in 1879 by Cromwell and Algernon Sydney, which and represented the Kuhn Loeb Company, gained renown for its business and commercial law practices and its impact on international affairs.[32]  The firm advised John Pierpont Morgan during the creation of Edison General Electric (1882) and later guided key players in the formation of U.S. Steel (1901).[33]

According to SOSJ’s own history, “The American Grand Priory was peopled with the scions of Wall Street and the ‘Eastern Establishment.’ These men and women, many of them active or reserve officers in the military, worked with the fledgling western military intelligence communities and made the Grand Priory the first civilian foreign intelligence organization in the United States.”[34] As a result of the “success” of SOSJ international ventures, President Wilson and Col. House had created “The Inquiry” at the American Grand Priory headquarters on upper Broadway in New York City in 1917.[35]

The Covenant of the League of Nations was signed on June 28, 1919, as Part I of the Treaty of Versailles, and it became effective with the rest of the Treaty on January 10, 1920. Twenty-one members of The Inquiry had traveled to the Paris Peace Conference in January 1919 to communicate their recommendations. Among their recommendations were for an independent Turkish Anatolian state to be created under a League of Nations mandate, with the Great Powers in charge of the mandate being determined later. As for Palestine, it was advised for an independent state under a British mandate for Palestine to be created. Jews would be invited to return to Palestine and settle there if the protection of the personal, religious, and property rights of the non-Jewish population were assured, and the state’s holy sites would be under the protection of the League of Nations. The League of Nations was to recognize Palestine as a Jewish state as soon as it was in fact.[36]

 

Treaty of Versailles

It was Paul Warburg (1868 – 1932), the inspiration behind “Daddy Warbucks” in the Little Orphan Annie cartoons, who said, “We shall have World Government, whether or not we like it. The only question is whether World Government will be achieved by conquest or consent.”[37] The Warburgs, a Sabbatean family, had reached their financial influence during the years of the nineteenth century, with the growth of Kuhn, Loeb & Company, with whom they stood in close personal union and family relationship.[38] Paul married Solomon Loeb’s daughter Nina and became a partner in Kuhn Loeb in 1902. Paul’s brother Felix Warburg (1871 – 1937), a partner in Kuhn Loeb, married Frieda, the daughter of Jacob Schiff. Intermarriage among the German-Jewish elite, particularly Frankists, was common. Consequently, the partners of Kuhn, Loeb were closely related by blood and marriage to the partners of J&W Seligman, Speyer & Co., Goldman, Sachs & Co., Lehman Brothers and other prominent German-Jewish firms. Schiff eventually became the leader of Kuhn Loeb and grew the firm into the second most prestigious investment bank in the United States behind J.P. Morgan & Co.

Kuhn Loeb came to be led by Felix Warburg and the German-born American banker Otto Kahn (1867 – 1934), a close friend of Aleister Crowley.[39] Although Crowley was associated with German occult fascism, he and his associates nevertheless held close personal ties with the activities of the leading promoters of Zionism. These included Wall Street banker and Lotos Club member Samuel Untermyer (1858 – 1940), who was also reportedly a member of the Golden Dawn of New York, and whom a British newspaper called him a “satanist.”[40] Untermeyer also identified as a Zionist and served as president of the Keren Hayesod, the agency whose early leaders included Chaim Weizmann, Albert Einstein and Zeev Jabotinsky, and through which the movement was then and still is conducted in America.[41] In his book Geneva Versus Peace (1937), the Comte de St. Aulaire, who was the French ambassador to London from 1920-24, recalled a dinner conversation with Otto Kahn who detailed the nature of the dialectical strategy to bring about the League of Nations:

 

…our essential dynamism makes use of the forces of destruction and forces of creation, but uses the first to nourish the second… Our organization for revolution is evidenced by destructive Bolshevism and for construction by the League of Nations which is also our work. Bolshevism is the accelerator and the League is the brake on the mechanism of which we supply both the motive force and the guiding power. What is the end? It is already determined by our mission. It is formed of elements scattered throughout the whole world, but cast in the flame of our faith in ourselves. We are a League of Nations which contains the elements of all others… Israel is the microcosm and the germ of the City of the future.[42]

 

At the Paris Peace Conference, attended by Wilson, Colonel House, Paul Warburg, Bernard Baruch, and others, House’s vision was implemented as the League of Nations in 1920, the precursor to the United Nations. Paul Warburg led the American delegation, which included Lippmann and the brothers Allen and John Foster Dulles, future head of the CIA. Allen Dulles, future head of the CIA, and his brother John Foster, were in the employ of Sullivan and Cromwell.[43] It was Lippmann who recommended Allen Dulles as a top recruit for Col. House’s plan to use the United States relief program in Europe after the war as cover for intelligence activities.[44] Paul’s brother Max Warburg (1867 – 1946), of the Warburg banking consortium in Germany and the Netherlands, headed the German delegation.

However, the US Senate ultimately rejected League of Nations. Deciding that America would not join any scheme for world government without a change in public opinion, Col. House, members of the Inquiry and the Round Table formed the Royal Institute for International Affairs (RIIA) in 1920, for the purpose of coordinating British and American efforts. They also formed an American branch, known as the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), founded in following year by Col. House and Walter Lippmann with the financial assistance of John D. Rockefeller Jr.. The early CFR included members like J.P. Morgan, Paul Warburg and Jacob Schiff.  Round Tabler Lionel Curtis (1872 – 1955) became a strong supporter of international government in the form of the League of Nations and attended the Paris Peace Conference. In 1919, he was the main figure behind the establishment of RIIA in London, and he also helped the helped the formation CFR.

John D. Rockefeller, along with his son John D. Rockefeller, Jr., founded the Rockefeller Foundation in 1913. According to Madame Drinette Verdier, Rockefeller was inspired to turn to charity Swami Vivekananda, as reported by one his disciples, Madame Emma Calve. Calve recounted that Rockefeller initially refused to meet with Vivekananda, until he finally barged in on the swami unannounced, who barely acknowledged his entry. Rockefeller was annoyed that Vivekananda didn’t show him the honor he was accustomed to, but after a while, Vivekananda told Rockefeller about events from his life that none should have known but himself, and managed to convince him that God had given him all his wealth to do good in the world.[45]

 

Syrian National Congress

In regards to Arabia, The Inquiry had suggested that Sharif Hussein not to be given assistance to impose his rule over unwilling Arab tribes.[46] Following the publication of the Balfour Declaration of 1917, and the subsequent leaking of the secret Sykes–Picot Agreement of 1916, in which Britain and France proposed to split and occupy parts of the territory, betraying the promises of Arab independence in the McMahon–Hussein Correspondence, Sharif Hussein refused to ratify the 1919 Treaty of Versailles. Hussein was additionally insulted when he was asked to sign Treaty of Sèvres negotiated in his absence, and without his knowledge. Despite the offer of various financial incentives, and even induction into the prestigious Order of the Bath, Hussein stated that he could not be expected to “affix his name to a document assigning Palestine to the Zionists and Syria to foreigners.”[47] In 1919, Faisal led the Arab delegation to the Paris Peace Conference, and, with the support of the knowledgeable and influential Gertrude Bell (1868 – 1926), of the British Military Intelligence Department—and a friend of T.E. Lawrence and Lord Hardinge—argued for the establishment of independent Arab emirates for the area previously covered by the Ottoman Empire.

In the midst of the Peace Conference, Rida made his way to Syria, where he was chosen to the Pan-Syrian Congress, also known as the Syrian National Congress, convened in May 1919, as a representative of Tripoli and held the position of chairperson for a brief period of time. In June, Rida dispatched a long memorandum to British Prime Minister Lloyd George, in which he detailed his contacts with the British during the war and expressed his opinions concerning Britain’s relations with the Arabs and the Muslim world. With the Allies’ victory, he explained, it had become clear to the Arabs “that the independence promised them by English diplomacy is a loss of independence.”[48] The structure of the future Arab state and the status of the Caliphate should be in accordance with the principles outlined in the draft memorandum he had sent the British at the end of 1915. If Britain would assist the Muslims at the Peace Conference, and evacuate Syria and Iraq, she would gain the friendship of all Muslims, except for the Egyptians who would continue to fight for their independence. In the end of his memorandum, Rida offered his availability to travel to Europe in order to further discuss solving the Eastern Question. No such invitation was forthcoming.[49]

On January 6, 1920, Faisal initialed an agreement with French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau that acknowledged “the right of the Syrians to unite to govern themselves as an independent nation.”[50] On March 8, 1920, the Syrian National Congress declared an independent state which included portions of Syria, Palestine and northern Mesopotamia, which under the Sykes–Picot Agreement had been set aside for an independent Arab state or confederation of states. Faisal was declared the head of state as king. The April 1920 the San Remo conference was hastily convened in response to Faisal’s declaration. At the conference, the Allied Supreme Council granted the mandates for Palestine and Mesopotamia to Britain, and those for Syria and Lebanon to France.[51] France had decided to govern Syria directly and took action to enforce the French Mandate of Syria before the terms had been accepted by the Council of the League of Nations. At the Battle of Maysalun in June 1920, the French deposed the Arab government and removed Faisal from Damascus.

In 1921, David Lloyd George called upon Winston Churchill, Secretary of State for the Colonies, to lay the basis for a coherent British policy towards the Middle East in general and the Arabian Peninsula in particular. Churchill’s core concerns were reducing Britain’s military presence overseas, while also maintaining political control over her mandate areas as identified in the in the McMahon letters, the Sykes-Picot agreement and the Balfour Declaration, and lastly to protect what was then suspected to be substantial oil reserves in Iraq, and preserve an open trade route to India.[52] Churchill convened a meeting in Cairo, known as the Cairo Conference, of some forty advisers, including 36 British experts on the Arab world, among them T.E. Lawrence and Gertrude Bell, and two Arabs, Ja’far al-Askari (1885 – 1936) and Sassoon Heskel (1860 – 1932), both of them aides to Faisal. Al-Askari, a member of al-‘Ahd, served in the Ottoman Army during World War I until he was captured by British forces. After his release, he was converted to the cause of Arab nationalism and joined forces with Faisal I and T.E. Lawrence with his brother-in-law, Nuri al-Said, who also served as Prime Minister of Iraq. Al-Askari took part in the capture of Damascus in 1918 and supported Faisal’s bid for the Syrian throne. When Faisal was deposed by the French in 1920, al-Askari supported his bid for the Iraqi throne.

Heskel was an Iraqi Jew, and along with Gertrude Bell and T.E. Lawrence, he was instrumental in creating and establishing the Kingdom of Iraq post-Ottoman rule, and he founded the nascent Iraqi government’s laws and financial structure.[53] Heskel was born into an established Baghdadi Jewish family with connections throughout Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, and at the Alliance Israélite Universelle school. His political career began when the Young Turks came to power in 1908, when he was elected deputy for Baghdad in the first Turkish Parliament. In the Ottoman Parliament, he became the Chairman of the Budget Committee of the CUP. With the founding of the modern Iraqi state in 1920, Heskel became the first Finance Minister of Iraq, serving in that position until 1925.[54] One of the most important acts that Heskel has been credited for is his role in the country’s negotiations with Britain to invest in Iraqi oil in the 1920s over the concession of the Iraqi Oil Company.[55] The owners were a group of large European companies, including Deutsche Bank, the Anglo Saxon Oil Company (a subsidiary of Royal Dutch Shell), the National Bank of Turkey (a British concern), and Armenian businessman Calouste Gulbenkian (1869 – 1955). The driving force behind its creation was Gulbenkian, and the largest single shareholder was the British government-controlled Anglo-Persian Oil Company, which by 1914 held 50% of shares. TPC received a promise of a concession from the Ottoman government, but the outbreak of World War I stopped all exploration plans.[56]

After the conversations with the Abdullah I of Jordan, Churchill met a delegation of the 1920 Haifa Congress, representing Palestinian Muslims and Christians, and led by Musa al-Husseini (1853 – 1934). In 1918, the British Military Governor of Jerusalem, Ronald Storrs, appointed Musa as mayor of the city. The delegation, which contested the legal validity of the Balfour Declaration and objected to the draft Mandate for Palestine, handed over a memorandum in which they complained that Great Britain “under the financial stress of the war, had sold their country to Zionists.” They added that England, “disregarding the feelings of the inhabitants, has appointed a Jew as High Commissioner,” despite “the fact that the predominating majority of the people he governs are not of his own race or faith.” “To the most important post of justice in Palestine, namely that of Legal Secretary, or Minister of Justice, a Jew has been appointed. And what is worse, this official is an out and out Zionist.”[57] In reply, Churchill stated that a national home for the Jews would be “good for the world, good for the Jews and good for the British Empire… good for the Arabs who dwell in Palestine.”[58]

The Jewish National Council (JNC) of Palestine, representing the Palestinian Jews, also presented a memorandum to Churchill, in which they expressed their gratitude towards Britain for supporting “the rebuilding of the Jewish National Home” and trusted that the realization of it would “be made possible by giving Palestine its historical frontiers.”[59] The JNC, also known as the Jewish People’s Council was the main national executive organ of the Assembly of Representatives of the Jewish community within Mandatory Palestine. The first chairman of the JNC was Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook (1865 – 1935), the first Chief Rabbi of Mandate Palestine. Rabbi Kook, who is considered one of the first exponents of Religious Zionism, justified Zionism according to Jewish law, and urged young religious Jews to support efforts to settle the land, and the secular Labour Zionists to give more consideration to the religion of Judaism.

The Cairo Conference’s most important decision was to implement the T.E. Lawrence’s “Sherifian Plan,” in which Hussein’s sons were proposed as puppet monarchs, where Abdullah was to administer the territory east of the Jordan River, Transjordan, and his brother Faisal was to become king of a newly created Kingdom of Iraq, while their father Hussein declared himself “King of the Hijaz,” and also “King of all Arabs.” Both Faisal and Abdullah were to continue to receive direction and financial support from Great Britain. Lebanon and Syria were to remain under French control, while Britain would maintain the mandate over Palestine west of the Jordan River, in conformity with the promises of the Balfour Declaration. Sharif Hussein of Mecca was to be recognized as King of the Hijaz, and Ibn Saud left in control of the Najd.

Damascus became the coordinating center of the Arab nationalist movement as it was seen as the birthplace of the ideology, the seat of Faisal—the first Arab “sovereign” after nearly 400 years of Turkish rule.[60] Faisal, along with many Iraqi intellectuals and military officers, had joined al-Fatat which would form the backbone of the newly created Arab state that consisted of much of the Levant and the Hejaz.[61] The flag became a symbol of Arab nationalism and unity and the colors derived from it are still used today in various forms in the flags of Jordan, Kuwait, Sudan, Syria, the United Arab Emirates, Palestine, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, and Libya. The flag was designed Mark Sykes, in an effort to create a feeling of “Arab-ness” to fuel the revolt.[62] The flag consists of three horizontal stripes (black, white, and green) and a red triangle on the hoist side. Each color has a symbolic meaning: black represents the Abbasid dynasty or the Rashidun caliphs, white represents the Umayyad dynasty, and green represents Islam (or possibly, but it is not certain, the Fatimid dynasty). The red triangle represents the Hashemite dynasty, to which Hussein bin Ali belonged.

 

Mandate for Palestine

In January 1919, Faisal and Chaim Weizmann signed the Faisal-Weizmann Agreement for Arab-Jewish cooperation, in which Faisal conditionally accepted the Balfour Declaration, dependent on the fulfillment of the British’s promises:

 

We Arabs… look with the deepest sympathy on the Zionist movement. Our deputation here in Paris is fully acquainted with the proposals submitted yesterday by the Zionist Organisation to the Peace Conference, and we regard them as moderate and proper. We will do our best, in so far as we are concerned, to help them through; we will wish the Jews a most hearty welcome home… I look forward, and my people with me look forward, to a future in which we will help you and you will help us, so that the countries in which we are mutually interested may once again take their places in the community of the civilized peoples of the world.

 

However, Faisal had mistakenly understood that the development of a Jewish homeland in Palestine was to be within the Arab kingdom.[63] The agreement was never implemented. Instead, the League of Nations Mandate required Britain to put into effect the Balfour Declaration in Palestine. A League of Nations “mandate” represented a legal status under international law for specific territories following World War I, which was supposed to differ from colonialism, with the governing country intended to act as a trustee until the inhabitants were considered eligible for self-government.[64] The Russians gave up territorial claims following the Bolshevik revolution and the French were awarded the French Mandate of Syria and the English the British Mandate of Mesopotamia. In 1914, War Cabinet member and Zionist Sir Herbert Samuel, whose 1915 memorandum entitled The Future of Palestine influenced the Balfour Declaration, had outlined the Zionist position toward France with regards to Syria in a conversation with Foreign Secretary Edward Grey (1862 – 1933):

 

I mentioned that two things would be essential—that the state should be neutralized, since it could not be large enough to defend itself, and that the free access of Christian pilgrims should be guaranteed… I also said it would be a great advantage if the remainder of Syria were annexed by France, as it would be far better for the state to have a European power as neighbor than the Turk.[65]

 

The British mandate over Palestine was assigned at the San Remo conference in April 1920, after France’s concession in the 1918 Clemenceau–Lloyd George Agreement of the previously agreed “international administration” of Palestine under the Sykes–Picot Agreement. As Weizmann recalled from his meeting with Samuel, shortly after his meeting with Grey:

 

He believed that my demands were too modest, that big things would have to be done in Palestine; he himself would move and would expect Jewry to move immediately the military situation was cleared up… The Jews would have to bring sacrifices and he was prepared to do so. At this point I ventured to ask in which way the plans of Mr. Samuel were more ambitious than mine. Mr. Samuel preferred not to enter into a discussion of his plans, as he would like to keep them “liquid,” but he suggested that the Jews would have to build railways, harbours, a university, a network of schools, etc… He also thinks that perhaps the Temple may be rebuilt, as a symbol of Jewish unity, of course, in a modernised form.[66]

 

The subsequent Treaty of Sèvres, of August 1920, between some of the Allies of World War I and the Ottoman Empire, would have required the cession of large parts of Ottoman territory to France, the United Kingdom, Greece and Italy, and included a proposition for the establishment of a British mandate over Palestine, in conformity with the promises of the Balfour Declaration. While the Treaty of Sèvres was still under discussion, the Turkish national movement under Mustafa Kemal Atatürk split with the monarchy, based in Istanbul, and set up a Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara in April 1920. Eventually, Atatürk succeeded in the Turkish War of Independence, forced the Greeks, Armenians, and Italians out of Anatolia, leaving no hope of fulfilling the conditions of the Treaty of Sèvres, which was superseded in 1923 by the Treaty of Lausanne, ending the conflict and resulting in the establishment of the Republic of Turkey.

One of the four signatories of the Treaty of Sèvres was Rïza Tevfik Bölükbashi (1869 – 1949), former CUP member, Grand Master of the Ottoman Grand Orient and a famous Bektashi poet. Rïza Tevfik helped introduce modern Western philosophy into Turkey. Rïza Tevfik was also a writer on Sufism, Muslim esotericism. In particular, he attempted to reinterpret Batiniyya and Hurufism in philosophical terms, through, for example, a comparative study of Herbert Spencer’s agnosticism and Henri Bergson’s spiritualism.[67]

The first High Commissioner, Herbert Samuel had arrived in Palestine on June 20, 1920 to take up his appointment. Samuel planned to establish a “mixed militia” of Jews and Arabs, which absorbed some soldiers and veterans the Jewish Legion. Leo Amery, author of the Balfour Declaration, encouraged Jabotinsky in the formation of the Jewish Legion for the British Army, a group primarily of Zionist volunteers, who assisted in the British conquest of Palestine. The idea for the battalions was proposed by Pinhas Rutenberg, Dov Ber Borochov—founder of Paole Zion—and Jabotinsky, and carried out by Jabotinsky and Joseph Trumpeldor, who aspired for the battalions to become the independent military force of the Yishuv in Eretz Yisrael. Their vision did not fully materialize, as the battalions were disbanded shortly after the war. Arab opposition to British rule and Jewish immigration led to the 1920 Palestine riots and the formation of a Jewish militia known as the Haganah (“The Defense”), from which the Irgun and Lehi paramilitaries would later split off—the origin of Netanyahu’s Likud—and later became the foundation for the Israel Defense Forces (IDF).

The onset of World War I left Abdul Baha largely confined to Haifa in Israel from 1914 to 1918. Abdul Baha mentioned the immigration to Palestine as a fulfillment of prophecy, and encouraged the Zionists to develop the land and “elevate the country for all its inhabitants… They must not work to separate the Jews from the other Palestinians.”[68] Abdul Baha was later visited by General Allenby, who led the conquest of Palestine; King Faisal, later King of Iraq; the Zionist Herbert Samuel, High Commissioner for Palestine, who inspired the Balfour Declaration; and Ronald Storrs, Military Governor of Jerusalem.[69] In 1918, Abdul Baha was knighted by the Queen of England for his humanitarian service.

 

Grand Mufti of Jerusalem 

A strong supporter of the Syrian National Congress was Amin al Husseini (1897 – 1974), a vociferous opponent of Zionism, known notoriously later as “Hitler’s Mufti,” who would become the chief collaborator in the Jihad schemes of Max von Oppenheimer, and later a prominent figure in the Muslim Brotherhood, a primary tool of the CIA’s subversion in the Middle East. Despite his purported anti-Semitism, al-Husseini was educated at a secondary school for boys in Jerusalem by the Alliance Israélite Universelle in 1882.[70] In 1912, al-Husseini pursued Salafist studies at Al-Azhar University in Cairo and at the Dar al-Dawa wa-l-Irshad, under Rida, who was to remain his mentor throughout his life.[71] Like Rida, al-Husseini encouraged Islamic revolutions across the Muslim world to defeat European colonial powers and Zionism’s war against Islam.[72]

From as early as 1920, al-Husseini actively opposed Zionism, and as a leader of the 1920 Nebi Musa riots, a protest at the implementation of the Balfour Declaration in and around the Old City of Jerusalem. Five Jews were killed and several hundred injured; four Arabs were killed, and eighteen injured; seven Britons were injured.[73] It was asserted by Chaim Weizmann and British army Lieutenant Colonel Richard Meinertzhagen that al-Husseini had been put up to inciting the riot by British Field-marshal Allenby’s Chief of Staff, Colonel Bertie Harry Waters-Taylor, to demonstrate to the world that Arabs would not tolerate a Jewish homeland in Palestine.[74] Although he was convicted for leading the attack on Jews and sentenced to ten years in prison, al-Husseini was pardoned by Herbert Samuel, the local British High Commissioner of military government led by Ronald Storrs.[75] After the violence broke out, Jabotinsky met and suggested deploying his self-defense group. Storrs confiscated his pistol and demanded to know the location of his other weapons, threatening to jail him for possessing a firearm. Menachem Ussishkin, who had long collaborated with Jabotinsky, visited Storrs to express “regrets for the tragedy that has befallen us.” Tom Segev reports the following exchange:

 

“What tragedy?” Ussishkin asked. “I mean the unfortunate events that have occurred here in recent days,” Storrs said. “His excellency means the pogrom,” Ussishkin suggested. Storrs replied emotionally that there had been no pogrom. He knew very well what a pogrom was—an attack on Jews under the sponsorship of the authorities.

Characteristically, Ussishkin did not let up. “You, Colonel, are an expert on matters of management and I am an expert on the rules of pogroms.” [76]

 

On the death of al-Husseini’s half-brother, the Mufti Kamil al-Husayni, in March 1921, elections were held for his replacement. Of the four candidates running, al-Husseini received the fewest votes, the first three being candidates from the rival Nashashibi clan. Samuel was concerned with maintaining a balance between the al-Husseinis and the Nashashibis. A year earlier, after the Nebi Musa riots the British had replaced Musa al-Husayni (1853 – 1934) as Mayor of Jerusalem with Raghib al-Nashashibi (1881 – 1951). As compensation, the British sought to secure for the Husseini family the prestigious position of Mufti. Raghib lent his support by prevailing upon the Nashashibi front-runner, Sheikh Hussam ad-Din Jarallah (1884 – 1954), to withdraw. Samuel then chose al-Husseini as Mufti. When the Supreme Muslim Council was created in the following year, Husseini demanded and received the title Grand Mufti that had earlier been created by the British for his half-brother Kamil, on the lines of Egyptian office at al-Azhar. The position came with a life tenure.[77]

The Husseini family were wealthy landowners in southern Palestine, centered around the district of Jerusalem. The Husseinis were also landlords to Zionist Gad Frumkin (1887 – 1960), and they had good relations with Gad’s father, Yisrael Dov Frumkin (1850 – 1914), a relationship that would facilitate al Husseini’s rise to political leadership of Arab Palestine, according to Yair Wallach.[78] Israel Dov Frumkin, a pioneer of Hebrew journalism, was born into a Chabad family in Dubrovno, in the Russian Empire. Frumkin’s step-grandfather was Aaron ha-Levi ben Moses of Staroselye, a close disciple of Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Liadi (1745 – 1812), founder and first Rebbe of Chabad, a branch of Hasidic Judaism. Gad’s brother, Abraham Frumkin (1873 – 1940) was a prominent Jewish anarchist. In 1908, Frumkin left for Istanbul to study law where he befriended David Ben-Gurion and Moshe Sharett. Frumkin, as one of the first trained lawyers in Palestine, became the leading Jewish legal figure and one of the few Jews who served as a judge on the Supreme Court of Mandatory Palestine. Frumkin’s house became a meeting place for Arab leaders and Zionist officials, and he was the only Zionist figure to have direct personal contact with al-Husseini.[79]

Attending meetings at Frumkin’s house was the Zionist Chaim Arlosoroff (1899 – 1933), a close friend of Chaim Weizmann.[80] Arlosoroff briefly had an affair with Magda Friedländer, before she married Joseph Goebbels. When she was eight-years-old, Magda’s mother married Jewish businessman and leather-goods magnate Richard Friedländer and moved with him to Brussels in 1908. Friedländer’s residency card, found in Berlin archives, stated that Magda was his biological daughter.[81] During their relationship, she briefly wore a Star of David he had given her and accompanied him to Zionist meetings. Magda continued to carry on the affair, even after she married Dr Günther Quandt, successful industrialist. By the time she had divorced Quandt, Chaim had had left for Palestine to join the Jewish Agency and work for the establishment of a state of Israel.[82] Magda later married Goebbels in 1931, with Hitler as his best man. Magda was a close ally, companion and political supporter of Adolf Hitler. Friedländer was later killed in the Buchenwald concentration camp.

 


[1] William A. Renzi. “Italy’s neutrality and entrance into the Great War: a re-examination.” American Historical Review 73.5 (1968), pp. 1414–32.

[2] Roy Pryce. “Italy and the Outbreak of the First World War.” Cambridge Historical Journal, 11: 2 (1954), p. 219.

[3] MacGregor Knox. To the Threshold of Power, 1922/33: Origins and Dynamics of the Fascist and Nationalist Socialist Dictatorships. Vol. I. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007), p. 177.

[4] Fulvio Conti. “From Universalism to Nationalism: Italian Freemasonry and the Great War.” Journal of Modern Italian Studies 20:5 (2015), pp. 640–62.

[5] Woodrow Wilson. “8th Annual Message.” (December 07, 1920). The American Presidency Project. Retrieved from https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/8th-annual-message

[6] Gunnar Skirbekk & Nils Gilje. History of Western Thought: From Ancient Greece to the Twentieth Century (Routledge, 2001), p. 288.

[7] Stefano Recchia & Nadia Urbinati (eds.). A Cosmopolitanism of Nations: Giuseppe Mazzini's Writings on Democracy, Nation Building, and International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), p. 2.

[8] David Fromkin. A Peace to End All Peace: The Fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Making of the Modern Middle East (New York: Henry Holt and Company).

[9] Israel Cohen. Theodor Herzl, founder of political Zionism (New York: T. Yoseloff, 1959), p. 210.

[10] Mark Leier. Bakunin: The Creative Passion (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2006), p. 178.

[11] E. H. Carr. “The League of Peace and Freedom: An Episode in the Quest for Collective Security.” International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1931-1939), 14: 6 (November - December, 1935), p. 838.

[12] Ibid.

[13] Ibid., p. 839.

[14] Ibid., p. 840.

[15] The Dream of A Masonic Europe. Tetraktys. Retrieved from https://tetraktys.co.uk/masonic-europe/

[16] Ibid.

[17] Stewart J. Brown. W.T. Stead: Non-Conformist and Newspaper Prophet (Oxford University Press: 2019), p. 178.

[18] Ibid., p. 176.

[19] William Stead. La chronique de la Conference de la Haye; cited in Jirí Toman. “The Hague Convention: a decisive step taken by the international community.” Museum international, LVII(57), 4 / 228, p. 33.

[20] Stewart J. Brown. W.T. Stead: Non-Conformist and Newspaper Prophet (Oxford University Press: 2019), p. 178.

[21] Charles Morris. The Marvelous Career of Theodore Roosevelt: Including what He Has Done and Stands For; His Early Life and Public Services; the Story of His African Trip; His Memorable Journey Through Europe; and His Enthusiastic Welcome Home (John C. Winston Company, 1910). p. 370.

[22] Conférence des Maconneries des Nations Alliées, 14-15 (Paris, Janvier 1917); cited in Fulvio Conti. “From Universalism to Nationalism: Italian Freemasonry and the Great War.” Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 20: 5 (2015), p. 253.

[23] Ibid., p. 654.

[24] Ibid., p. 655.

[25] H. James Burgwyn. Legend of the Mutilated Victory: Italy, the Great War and the Paris Peace Conference, 1915–1919 (1993).

[26] Stefano Recchia & Nadia Urbinati. A Cosmopolitanism of Nations: Giuseppe Mazzini's Writings on Democracy, Nation Building, and International Relations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004) p. 3.

[27] see, e.g., Mazzini. “on Public opinion and England’s International Leadership” [1847] and “America as a Leading nation in the cause of Liberty” (1865).

[28] “Mazzini’s life and thought were devoted.” (Woodrow Wilson, “remarks about Giuseppe Mazzini” and “Further remarks in Genoa,” The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, ed. Arthur S. Lind (Princeton, NJ: Princeton university Press), 5, pp. 614–15.

[29] A Finding Aid to the Stephen S. Wise Collection. 1893-1969. Manuscript Collection No. 49. AmericanJewishArchives.org. The Jacob Rader Marcus Center of the American Jewish Archives, Retrieved from http://americanjewisharchives.org/collections/ms0049/

[30] Stephen Samuel Wise. Challenging Years: The Autobiography of Stephen Wise (Putnam's Sons, 1949).

[31] “Sovereign Order of St. John of Jerusalem.” Knights of Saint John (accessed January 26, 2017). Retrieved from http://www.theknightsofsaintjohn.com/History-After-Malta.htm

[32] Neu. Colonel House, p. 104.

[33] “Giant Steel Trust Launched at Last: Will be Known as the United States Steel Corporation.” The New York Times (February 26, 1901).

[34] “History since 1798.” Sovereign Order of Saint John of Jerusalem. Retrieved from

http://www.theknightsofsaintjohn.com/History-After-Malta.htm

[35] “History since 1798.” Sovereign Order of Saint John of Jerusalem. Retrieved from

http://www.theknightsofsaintjohn.com/History-After-Malta.htm.

[36] David Hunter Miller. My Diary. At the Conference of Paris. With Documents. Vol. IV (New York: Appeal Printing Company, 1924), pp. 263–264.

[37] Statement made before the United States Senate on Feb. 7, 1950 by James Paul Warburg.

[38] Barry Chamish. “Deutsch Devils” (December 31, 2003).

[39] Tobias Churton. Aleister Crowley in America: Art, Espionage, and Sex Magick in the New World (Simon and Schuster, 2017).

[40] Levenda. Unholy Alliance, p. 255.

[41] Hugh Chisholm, ed. “Untermyer, Samuel.” Encyclopædia Britannica. (12th ed.) Vol. 32 (London & New York: The Encyclopædia Britannica Company, 1922), pp. 901–02.

[42] Comte de St. Aulaire. Geneva Versus Peace (New York: Shee & Ward, 1937), pp. 80, 83-84.

[43] Ibid.

[44] Peter Grose. Gentleman Spy: The Life of Allen Dulles (Houghton Mifflin 1994), p. 41.

[45] Madame Verdier’s journal cited in the New Discoveries, Vol. 1, pp. 487-88.

[46] David Hunter Miller. My Diary. At the Conference of Paris. With Documents. Vol. IV (New York: Appeal Printing Company, 1924), pp. 265–267.

[47] Suleiman Mousa. “A Matter of Principle: King Hussein of the Hijaz and the Arabs of Palestine.” International Journal of Middle East Studies. 9: 2 (1978), p. 185.

[48] FO 37114232: “Mudhakkira fi Ragha’ib al-Muslimin wal-‘Arab al-Siyasiyya Marfda ila Maqam Wazir al-Dawla al-Baritaniyya al-Akbar ahMister Lloyd George” by Muhammad Rashid Rida (25 June 1919), and its translation by London School of Oriental Studies: “Political Aspirations of the Arabs and the Moslem World”; cited in Eliezer Tauber. “Rashid Rida and Faysal’s Kingdom in Syria.” The Muslim World. 85: 3, 4 (1995), p. 118.

[49] Tauber. “Rashid Rida and Faysal’s Kingdom in Syria,” p. 118.

[50] Timothy J. Paris. “Britain, the Hashemites, and Arab Rule, 1920–1925.” The Sherifian Solutin (Frank Cass, 2003), p. 69.

[51] Gideon Biger. The Boundaries of Modern Palestine, 1840–1947 (Psychology Press, 2004), pp. 68: 173.

[52] James A. Russell. “Odium of the Mesopotamia Entanglement.” Strategic Insights, 1: 8 (October 2002). Retrieved from https://web.archive.org/web/20040221211635/http://www.ccc.nps.navy.mil/si/oct02/middleEast.asp

[53] Gourji C. Bekhor. Fascinating Life and Sensational Death (Israel: Peli Printing Works Ltd, 1990), p. 41.

[54] “Iraq’s First Minister of Finance.” World Jewish Congress. Retrieved from https://www.worldjewishcongress.org/en/legacy-of-jews-in-MENA/Iraq%E2%80%99s-First-Minister-of-Finance

[55] Ibid.

[56] Edwin Black. Banking on Baghdad (John Wiley & Sons Inc., 2004); Nubar S Gulbenkian. Portrait in oil (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1965).

[57] Report on Middle East Conference held in Cairo and Jerusalem, March 12th to 30th, 1921, Appendix 23, pp. 142-153. British Colonial Office, June 1921 (CO 935/1/1).

[58] Ibid.

[59] Report on Middle East Conference held in Cairo and Jerusalem, March 12th to 30th, 1921, Appendix 23, pp. 153-157.

[60] Youssef Choueiri. Arab Nationalism – A History: Nation and State in the Arab World (Wiley-Blackwell, 2000), pp. 171–173.

[61] Ibid., pp. 166–168

[62] William Easterly. The White Man's Burden (New York: Penguin, 2006). p. 238.

[63] Ali A. Allawi. Faisal I of Iraq (Yale University Press, 2014), p. 189.

[64] Norman Bentwich. The Mandates System (Longmans, Green and Co., 1930), p. 172.

[65] Herbert Samuel. Grooves of Change, p. 174.

[66] Chaim Weizmann. The Letters and Papers of Chaim Weizmann: August 1898-July 1931 (Transaction Publishers, 1983), p. 122.

[67] Zarcone. “Occultism in an Islamic Context,” p. 160.

[68] “Declares Zionists Must Work with Other Races.” Star of the West, 10: 10 (September 8, 1919), p. 196.

[69] Shoghi Effendi. God Passes By (Wilmette, Illinois, USA: Baháʼí Publishing Trust, 1944), p. 306-307.

[70] Nicholas Blincoe. More Noble Than War. The Story of Football in Israel and Palestine (London: Constable, 2019), p. 27.

[71] Martin Sicker. Pangs of the Messiah: The Troubled Birth of the Jewish State (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2000), p. 33; Gudrun Krämer. A History of Palestine: From the Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 2008), p. 219.

[72] Ilan Pappé. The Rise and Fall of a Palestinian Dynasty: The Husaynis, 1700–1948. Translated by Yaer Lotan (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 2010).

[73] Tom Segev. One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Arabs Under the British Mandate (Owl Books, 2001), pp. 127–144.

[74] Henry Laurens. L’invention de la Terre sainte. La Question de Palestine (in French). Vol. 1. (Paris: Fayard, 1999), pp. 506–512.

[75] Henry Kopel. War on Hate: How to Stop Genocide, Fight Terrorism, and Defend Freedom (Rowman & Littlefield, 2021), p. 232. 

[76] Tom Segev. One Palestine, Complete: Jews and Arabs Under the British Mandate (Owl Books, 2001), pp. 127–144.

[77] Hans Kohn. A History of Nationalism in the East (Taylor & Francis, 1929), p. 53.

[78] Y. Wallach. “Jerusalem between Segregation and Integration: Reading Urban Space through the Eyes of Justice Gad Frumkin.” In S.R. Goldstein-Sabbah and H.L. Murre-van den Berg (ed.). Modernity, Minority, and the Public Sphere: Jews and Christians in the Middle East (Brill, 2016), p. 211.

[79] Ibid., p. 225.

[80] Ibid., p. 225, n. 57.

[81] “Magda Goebbels’ biological father may have been Jewish.” Jewish Chronicle (August 21, 2016).

[82] Colin Shindler. The Hebrew Republic: Israel's Return to History (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2017), pp. 46–47.

Divide & Conquer