24. The Iranian Revolution

Fedayeen-e Islam

As reported by Robert Dreyfuss in Hostage to Khomeini, Idries Shah, who was an early member and supporter of the Club of Rome,[1] worked with the Muslim Brotherhood in London, conspiring in the Revolution of 1979.[2] In Lisbon, in November 1977, the Inter-Religious Peace Colloquium (IRPC)—set up by Cyrus Vance and Sol Linowitz, both sympathizers of the Club of Rome, and for which IIIT founder Ismail al-Faruqi served as Vice-President—sponsored the Conference on World Faiths and the New World Order, which was intended to carry forward the movement born from a session two years earlier at the Rockefeller Foundation Bellagio Conference Center, titled The Food-Energy Crisis: Challenge to the World Faiths. Of the thirty participants, eight were Jews, three from Israel, five from the US, seven Muslims, and thirteen Christians from the Vatican and the World Council of Churches, and Buddhists from Sri Lanka and Japan. The three reasons listed for the conference were that the three faiths, Judaism, Islam and Christianity, shared much in religion tradition, but had suffered too much enmity, “despite their kinship in blood, our spiritual and family roots from Abraham through his sons Isaac and Ismail from these brothers on to Mary and Jesus and Muhammad. The third reason was: “The challenge presented to our three communities of faith by the search for a new world order of justice and peace among our globe’s one hundred forty-nine nations.”[3]

At the conference, explains Dreyfus, Club of Rome founder Aurelio Peccei conspired with several leading members of the Muslim Brotherhood, particularly with Seyyed Hossein Nasr, a member of Schuon’s Maryamiyya and a personal friend of the Shah.[4] In November 1978, President Carter had named George Ball, also a member of the Trilateral Commission, to head a special White House Iran task force under Zbigniew Brzezinski, who recommended that the US drop their support for Shah Reza Pahlavi (1919 – 1980)—son and successor of the British-installed Reza Shah—in favor of Khomeini.[5] An in-depth investigation reported that:

 

The real rulers of Iran are the British aristocratic controllers of the Muslim Brotherhood—men such as Lord Caradon, Sir John Bagot Glubb Pasha, Sir Albert Beeley, and the Royal Institute of International Affairs (RIIA), along with the Middle East and Islamic departments of Oxford and Cambridge Universities. Together with Henry Kissinger, Cyrus Vance, Zbigniew Brzezinski, and Ramsey Clark, it is that oligarchical faction which created, and now deploys, the Muslim Brotherhood. That is the ‘secret’ behind the Ayatollah Khomeini.[6]

 

The investigation is cited by Anita Rai, writing in “The Deeper State of Iran,” for the American Intelligence Journal, the flagship publication of the National Military Intelligence Association (NMIA), a professional association for military intelligence professionals in the United States, founded in 1973, who adds:

 

It is of supreme seriousness to spell it out—straight, clear, and loud—the Society of the Muslim Brothers (Arabic: Jamaat al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin), better known as the “Muslim Brotherhood” (MB), is in power in the Islamic Republic of Iran. Those who are in the know can attest to that.[7]

 

British agent Ayatollah Khomeini (1900 or 1902 – 1989), despite his blustering about America as the “Great Satan,” was a longtime member of the Iranian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood, known as the Fedayeen-e Islam, which was modelled from Freemasonry.[8] Their name, as noted Bernard Lewis, was borrowed from the eleventh century Assassins.[9] The group was founded by ex-Nazi agent Navvab Safavi (1924 – 1956). Early in 1951, Mufti al-Husseini visited Tehran to renew his acquaintance with Safawi and Ayatollah Kashani (1882 – 1962), Khomeini’s godfather and mentor, with whom he cooperated at the 1953 Islamic World Congress in east Jerusalem, attended by Said Ramadan and Sayyid Qutb.[10] In 1954, Safawi attended the Islamic Conference in Jordan and traveled to Egypt, where he learned about Hasan al-Banna and met Sayyid Qutb.[11] Safawi was said to have been known for his striking looks and his “mesmerizing” speaking ability,[12] and compared his own charisma and magnetism over the masses to that of Hassan-i Sabbah, the leader of the Assassins.[13] Amir Taheri claims that Safavi was “the man who introduced Khomeini to the Muslim Brotherhood and their ideas,” having “spent long hours together” with Khomeini in discussion, and visited him in Qom on a number of occasions between 1943 and 1944.[14] Khomeini named Jamal ud-Din al Afghani as the first leader of the Islamic revolution in the Middle East.[15] Maududi also had a major impact on Shiah Iran, where (1900 or 1902 – 1989) is reputed to have met him as early as 1963 and later translated his works into Persian. “To the present day, Iran’s revolutionary rhetoric often draws on his themes.”[16]

Safavi and his group were closely associated with Kashani, Khomeini’s godfather and mentor, who had assisted the CIA and MI6 in their overthrow of Mossadegh in 1951. Kashani also represented Iran at Mufti al-Husseini’s Islamic Congress in Jerusalem in 1953.[17] Kashani was funded by the CIA, according to John Waller, who had joined the OSS in World War II, ran US operations in Iran from 1946 to 1953 and then served in the CIA until the 1970s.[18] The CIA, says Waller, saw Kashani as key to mobilizing the religiously-minded lower classes: “it was money both to Kashani and to his chosen instruments, money to finance his communication channels, pamphleteering, and so on to the people of south Tehran.” Waller added, “I think he was truly religious, but forgive me for being a cynic. Being religious doesn’t distract you from political or commercial reality, or from sex.”[19]

Kashani was no exception. The British had maintained long-standing ties with Iran’s clerics, in their desire to safeguard their cherished asset, Anglo-Persian Oil, later renamed Anglo-Iranian Oil and finally British Petroleum (BP). Ashraf Pahlavi, the deposed Shah’s twin-sister, wrote in her memoirs, “many influential clergymen formed alliances with representatives of foreign powers, most of them British, and there was in fact a standing joke in Persia that said if you picked up a clergymen’s beard, you would see the words ‘Made in England’ stamped on the other side.”[20] Similarly, Fereydoun Hoveyda, who served as Iran’s ambassador to the UN until 1979, said the British, “had financial deals with the mullahs. They would find the most important ones and they would help them. And the mullahs were smart: they knew that the British were the most important power in the world. It was also about money. The British would bring suitcases full of cash and give it to these people.”[21]

Among his many invectives, as revealed by Ervand Abrahamian, in “The Paranoid Style in Iranian Politics,” Khomeini often attacked “the Jews.”[22] He accused them of distorting Islam, mistranslating the Quran, persecuting and imprisoning the Ulama, advocating historical materialism, instigating the aggressive reforms launched by the Shah in 1963 known as the White Revolution, controlling the media and the economy. “Their true aim,” he claimed, “is to establish a world Jewish government.”[23] Khomeini also denounced the Bahais as a “subversive conspiracy” and a “secret political organization” that had originally been created by Britain but now was controlled by Israel and the United States. “Reagan supports the Bahais,” he maintained, “in the same way the Soviets control the Tudeh. The Bahais are not a religion but a secretive organization plotting to subvert the Islamic Republic.”[24] Hojjat al-Islam Saedi, a cleric tortured to death in 1970 in prison, preached that Jews “like Lyndon Johnson” controlled America, and that the Bahais had taken over the Iranian economy, and the Shah was conspiring with them and Communists against true Muslims.[25]

Kayhan-e Hava’i, a newspaper run by the government, argued that the Bahais had always worked as foreign agents, first for the Tsarists, then for the British and Ottomans, and now for the Israelis and Americans.[26] Similar claims were advanced in a series of articles published in Kayhan-e Hava’I that purported to be the detailed memoirs Hossein Fardoust (1917 – 1987), Iranian military officer who was the deputy head of SAVAK, and a childhood friend of the Shah. Fardoust’s book, Khaterat-e Arteshbod-e Baznesheshteh Hossein Fardoust (“The Memoirs of Retired General Hossein Fardoust”), alleges that foreign powers, especially Britain, dominated Iran and supported the Freemasons, the Bahais and the Jews, and that most Iranian politicians belonged to the Freemasons and that the Jews, controlled “not only Israel but also the United States.” Fardoust claimed that Reza Shah had been a secret Bahai, and that is was MI6 not the CIA who saved his throne in 1953.[27]

Khomeini was Time magazine’s Man of the Year in 1979. He spent more than fourteen years in exile. Initially, he was sent to Turkey in 1964 where he stayed in Bursa in the home of Colonel Ali Cetiner of the Turkish Military Intelligence.[28] In 1965, after less than a year, he was allowed to move to holy Iraqi city of Najaf, where he stayed until 1978, when he was expelled by then-Vice President Saddam Hussein. Khomeini left Iraq, instead moving to a house bought by Iranian exiles in Neauphle-le-Château, a village near Paris, France, where his stay was bankrolled by Nazi banker Francois Genoud.[29] Described by the London Observer as “one of the world’s leading Nazis,” Genoud managed the hidden Swiss treasure of the Third Reich which had been stolen from Jews.[30] Genoud later employed these funds to pick up the tab for the legal defense of Adolf Eichmann, Klaus Barbie, and Carlos the Jackal.[31] Through his friendship with Wadi Haddad, he backed the PFLP and also established a working relationship with the PLO.[32] Along with Noam Chomsky, Simone de Beauvoir, Jean-Paul Sartre, and other intellectuals, Genoud was a member of a committee which mounted a humanitarian campaign in the 1970s, which resulted in the pardon in 1977, after seven years in prison, of Bruno Bréguet, a Swiss militant who was the first European to be tried and sentenced in Israel for their pro-Palestinian activities.[33] Between 1965 and 1971, Genoud’s friend, one-time Gestapo agent and Interpol head Paul Dickopf, was the fourth president of the German Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) and a paid “unilateral agent” of the CIA.[34] Nevertheless, Genoud confessed, “My views have not changed since I was a young man. Hitler was a great leader, and if he had won the war the world would be a better place today.”[35]

 

British Petroleum

During 1978, negotiations were under way between the Shah’s government and British Petroleum for renewal of the 25-year old extraction agreement. By October 1978, the talks had collapsed over a British offer which demanded exclusive rights to Iran’s future oil output, while refusing to guarantee purchase of the oil. The Carter Administration, prompted by National Security advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski, then collaborated with the British. In November 1978, President Carter named the Bilderberg group’s George Ball, also a member of the Trilateral Commission, to head a special White House Iran task force under Brzezinski. Ball recommended that the US drop support for the Shah of Iran in favor of the Khomeini.[36] Soon, a large segment of the Iranian population, most of them young students, became opposed to the Shah and were convinced that a return to “pure” Shia Islam under the Ayatollah Khomeini’s leadership was the only way to save their country.

Instructions were passed from the Club of Rome and Aspen Institute to Professor Ali Shariati (1933 – 1977) to intensify his political activity. “More than anyone else,” says Robert Dreyfuss, “Shariati was the guiding light behind the Iranian students and intellectuals who brought about the Muslim Brotherhood revolution.”[37] Shariati introduced Iranian students to the works of Jean-Paul Sartre, Frantz Fanon, Albert Camus, Jacques Berque and Louis Massignon, all writers of associated with anti-capitalism and existentialism, and all funded and guided by the same Club of Rome networks that gathered at Persepolis. Among these was one of the most famous proponents of Postmodernism, Michel Foucault, who in 1979, soon after the Iranian Revolution, made two tours of Iran. In the tradition of Nietzsche and Georges Bataille, Foucault had embraced the artist who pushed the limits of rationality, and seeing the same in the Iranian revolution. Both Foucault and the revolutionaries were highly critical of modernity and sought a new form of politics, and both admired those who risked their lives for ideals. Foucault wrote that the new “Muslim” style of politics could signal the beginning of a new form of “political spirituality,” not just for the Middle East, but also for Europe.[38]

By 1979, political unrest had transformed into a revolution which, on January16, forced the Shah to leave Iran. The new ruler, Khomeini, acknowledged his debt to the revolutionary philosophy of Sayyed Qutb by placing his face on one of the postage stamps of the new Islamic republic. Khomeini formally abolished Iranian monarchy, and Iran was declared an Islamic republic. In his memoirs, looking back on the events that removed him from power, the Shah lamented, “The Americans wanted me out… I was never told about the split in the Carter administration [nor] about the hopes some US officials put in the viability of an ‘Islamic Republic’ as a bulwark against communism.”[39]

 

October Surprise 

In November 1979, David Rockefeller became embroiled in an international incident when he and Henry Kissinger, along with John J. McCloy and Rockefeller aides, persuaded President Carter through the U.S. Department of State to admit the Shah into the United States for hospital treatment for lymphoma. This action precipitated what is known as the Iran Hostage Crisis, when students belonging to the Fedayeen took over the American embassy in Tehran on November 4, 1979, where 52 Americans were held hostage for 444 days. According to Barbara Honegger, who served as a researcher and policy analyst with the 1980 Reagan/Bush campaign, CIA director William Casey and other representatives of the Reagan presidential campaign had made a deal with the Iranians to delay the release of Americans held hostage in Iran until after the November 1980 presidential elections, promising them that they would get a better deal if they waited until Carter was defeated. She alleges that arms sales to Iran were a part of that bargain.[40] The hostages were released twenty minutes after Reagan’s inaugural address.

In an interview with TG1 (Telegiornale 1) the flagship television newscast produced by Rai 1, the main channel of state-owned Italian public broadcaster Radio Audizioni Italiane (RAI), Richard Brenneke, claiming to be a former agent of the CIA, maintained that Gladio was also involved in the October Surprise conspiracy, to stall the release of the American hostages in Iran, as well as in the Iran-Contra operation. He further alleged that P2, under the guidance of Licio Gelli, used some of the finance made available by the CIA to set up agencies in West Germany, Austria and Switzerland. He also maintained that George Bush, then director of the CIA, not only knew about these CIA activities in Italy, but was in fact one of the masterminds behind them.[41]

On January 20, 1981, at the moment Reagan completed his twenty-minute inaugural address, after being sworn in as President, the 52 American hostages were released by the Iranians into US custody, having spent 444 days in captivity. However, as revealed by Gary Sick, a US Navy officer who served on the National Security Council staff under Ford, Carter and Reagan, in October Surprise: America’s Hostages in Iran and the Election of Ronald Reagan, the Reagan campaign for the presidency had involved secret talks with Iranian leaders to stall the release of the hostages in order to undermine Carter’s credibility. The deal involved US and Israeli arms shipments, which the Iranians needed for their war with Iraq, thus beginning a series of transactions that would burgeon into the Iran-Contra operation.

The Mexico Herald published information that two representatives of Khomeini, among them Mohammad al-Shirazi (1928 – 2001), arrived in Mexico to participate in the international Masonic congress, which was secretly convened in October 1982.[42] His mother is the great-granddaughter of Mirza Shirazi, the pioneer of the Tobacco Protest in conspiracy with Jamal Afghani and Malkam Khan, and a secret Bahai.[43] He was the spiritual guide of the Movement of Vanguard Missionaries, an umbrella group for Iran-based Islamist paramilitaries that included military groups like the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Bahrain. A number of key figures from Khomeini’s apparatus, such as Mohammad Beheshti (1928 – 1981), Abdul-Karim Mousavi Ardebili (1926 – 2016), Abdullah Musawi Shirazi (1892 – 1984), was a Grand Ayatollah of Twelver Shiah Islam, and others, were seen in Masonic lodges.[44] Beheshti is considered to have been the primary architect of Iran's post-revolution constitution, as well as the administrative structure of the Islamic republic. Beheshti is also known to have selected and trained several prominent politicians in the Islamic Republic, such as former presidents Hassan Rouhani and Mohammad Khatami, Ali Akbar Velayati, Mohammad Javad Larijani, Ali Fallahian, and Mostafa Pourmohammadi.[45] On June 28, 1981, Beheshti was assassinated in the Hafte tir bombing by the People’s Mujahedin of Iran (MEK), along with more than 70 members of the Islamic Republic Party, including four cabinet ministers and 23 members of parliament.[46]

After Khomeini died on June 3, 1989, according to Iran’s official estimates, 10.2 million people lined the 32-kilometre route to Tehran’s Behesht-e Zahra cemetery for the funeral, which was not a tragedy, writes James Buchan, but “a gruesome farce.”[47] John Kifner wrote in the New York Times that the “body of the ayatollah, wrapped in a white burial shroud, fell out of the flimsy wooden coffin, and in a mad scene people in the crowd reached to touch the shroud.”[48] The shroud was torn to pieces for relics and Khomeini’s son Ahmad was knocked to the ground, and men jumped into the grave. The coffin was transferred to a military helicopter, but the crowd rushed forward as it tried to land. When guards lost hold of the body, soldiers fired shots into the air to drive the crowd back. The body was brought back to the helicopter, but mourners clung on to the landing gear before they could be shaken off.[49]

The body was taken back to north Tehran to go through the ritual of preparation a second time. Three of the Shah’s old Huey helicopters landed and the body was brought out, sealed in a metal box resembling an airline shipping container. Then, according to reporters for Time magazine, “the metal lid of the casket was ripped off, and the body was rolled into the grave. The grave was quickly covered with concrete slabs and a large freight container.”[50] As the authors put it, the funeral was “bizarre, frightening—and ultimately incomprehensible.” According to Buchan, “Here was not tragedy but gruesome farce—idolatrous, makeshift, deadly and utterly lacking in self-control.”[51] According to Radio Tehran, 10,800 people were treated that day for self-inflicted wounds, heat exhaustion or injuries from the crush of the crowd.[52] In later years, the Islamic Republic of Iran would erect on the site a monumental mosque and shrine to Khomeini.

 


[1] Hayter. Fictions and Factions, p. 262.

[2] Dreyfuss. Hostage to Khomeini, p. 111.

[3] Statement on a Muslim-Jewish-Christian Conference on The Changing World Order: Challenge to Our Faiths  (Lisbdom The Interreligious Peace Colloquium, November 1977). Retrieved from https://iiit.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/muslimchristianjewishconf.pdf

[4] Dreyfus. Hostage to Khomeini, p. 206, 211.

[5] Engdahl. A Century of War, p. 171-174.

[6] Anita Rai. “The Deeper State of Iran: Is the Muslim Brotherhood Occupying the Pulpits of Power?” American Intelligence Journal, 37: 2 (2020), p. 124.

[7] Ibid., p. 118.

[8] Ibid., p. 122.

[9] Bernard Lewis. The Middle East and the West, (New York: Cown Publishers, 2003), p. 99.

[10] Rubin & Schwanitz. Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East, p. 205.

[11] Sohrab Behdad. “Islamic Utopia in Pre-Revolutionary Iran: Navvab Safavi and the Fada'ian-e Eslam.” Middle Eastern Studies, 33: 1 (January 1997), p. 51.

[12] Amir Taheri. The Spirit of Allah: Khomeini and the Islamic revolution (Adler & Adler, 1986), p. 98.

[13] Farhad Kazemi. “The Fada'iyan-e Islam: Fanaticism, Politics and Terror.” In: Said Amir Arjomand (ed.). From Nationalism to Revolutionary Islam (SUNY Press, 1984), p. 169

[14] Taheri. The Spirit of Allah, pp. 98, 102.

[15] Arabadzhyan. “Shiite clergy among Iranian Masons.”

[16] Philip Jenkins. “Clerical Terror: The roots of jihad in India.” The New Republic (December 23, 2008). Retrieved from https://newrepublic.com/article/61223/clerical-terror

[17] Rubin & Schwanitz. Nazis, Islamists, and the Making of the Modern Middle East, p. 203.

[18] Dreyfuss. Devil’s Game, p. 125.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Ibid., p. 112.

[21] Interview with Dreyfuss, Devil’s Game, p. 112.

[22] Ervand Abrahamian. “The Paranoid Style in Iranian Politics.” Frontline (August 27, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2009/08/the-paranoid-style-in-iranian-politics.html

[23] Ervand Abrahamian. “The Paranoid Style in Iranian Politics.” Frontline (August 27, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2009/08/the-paranoid-style-in-iranian-politics.html

[24] Ervand Abrahamian. “The Paranoid Style in Iranian Politics.” Frontline (August 27, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2009/08/the-paranoid-style-in-iranian-politics.html

[25] Ervand Abrahamian. “The Paranoid Style in Iranian Politics.” Frontline (August 27, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2009/08/the-paranoid-style-in-iranian-politics.html

[26] Ervand Abrahamian. “The Paranoid Style in Iranian Politics.” Frontline (August 27, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2009/08/the-paranoid-style-in-iranian-politics.html

[27] Ervand Abrahamian. “The Paranoid Style in Iranian Politics.” Frontline (August 27, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/tehranbureau/2009/08/the-paranoid-style-in-iranian-politics.html

[28] Elaine Sciolino. “The People’s Shah.” The New York Times (August 27, 2000). Retrieved from https://www.nytimes.com/2000/08/27/books/the-people-s-shah.html

[29] Stephen E. Atkins. Encyclopedia of Modern Worldwide Extremists and Extremist Groups (Greenwood Publishing Group, 2004), pp. 104-05, 135

[30] Martin A. Lee, “The Swastika & the Crescent” Intelligence Report. (Spring 2002, Issue 105).

[31] Christopher Brown, “Global Nazism and the Muslim Brotherhood.”

[32] Stephen E. Atkins. Encyclopedia of Modern Worldwide Extremists and Extremist Groups (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 2004), p. 104.

[33] John Follain. Jackal: the complete story of the legendary terrorist, Carlos the Jackal (Arcade Publishing, 1998). p. 138.

[34] Memorandum v. 30 August 1968; released document from CIA files (Digitalisat Archived 2015-04-13 at the Wayback Machine 389 KB) (retrieved 13 September 2013); compare the copious CIA files

[35] Peter Wyden. The Hitler virus: the insidious legacy of Adolf Hitler (Arcade Publishing, 2001).

[36] William Engdahl, A Century of War:  Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order, (Pluto Press Ltd., 1992, 2004), p. 171-174.

[37] Dreyfuss, Hostage to Khomeini.

[38] “A Powder Keg Called Islam”; Janet, Afary & Kevin, Anderson. Foucault and the Iranian Revolution: Gender and the Seductions of Islamism. (Chicago University Press, 2005), p. 241.

[39] Mohammaed Reza Pahlavi, Answer to History. (New York: Stein and Day, 1980) p. 165.                                                                           

[40] Jack Sarfatti. “In the Thick of It,” MindNet Journal, Vol. 2, No. 2A.

[41] Umberto Pascali. “‘Operation Gladio' reveals that Kissinger ordered Moro murder.” Executive Intelligence Review, 17: 45 (November 23, 1990).

[42] Arabadzhyan. “Shiite clergy among Iranian Masons.”

[43] Alkan. Dissent and Heterodoxy in the Late Ottoman Empire, p. 141.

[44] Arabadzhyan. “Shiite clergy among Iranian Masons.”

[45] Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Mohammad Hosayn Beheshti.” Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved from: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Mohammad-Hosayn-Beheshti

[46] Barry M. Rubin & Judith Colp Rubin. “The Iranian Revolution and The War in Afghanistan,” Chronologies of Modern Terrorism (M.E. Sharpe, 2008), p. 246.

[47] James Buchan. “Ayatollah Khomeini’s funeral: The funeral of Ayatollah Khomeini was not a tragedy but a gruesome farce.” New Statesman (March 12, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.newstatesman.com/long-reads/2009/03/khomeini-funeral-body-crowd

[48] James Buchan. “Ayatollah Khomeini’s funeral: The funeral of Ayatollah Khomeini was not a tragedy but a gruesome farce.” New Statesman (March 12, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.newstatesman.com/long-reads/2009/03/khomeini-funeral-body-crowd

[49] James Buchan. “Ayatollah Khomeini’s funeral: The funeral of Ayatollah Khomeini was not a tragedy but a gruesome farce.” New Statesman (March 12, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.newstatesman.com/long-reads/2009/03/khomeini-funeral-body-crowd

[50] James Buchan. “Ayatollah Khomeini’s funeral: The funeral of Ayatollah Khomeini was not a tragedy but a gruesome farce.” New Statesman (March 12, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.newstatesman.com/long-reads/2009/03/khomeini-funeral-body-crowd

[51] James Buchan. “Ayatollah Khomeini’s funeral: The funeral of Ayatollah Khomeini was not a tragedy but a gruesome farce.” New Statesman (March 12, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.newstatesman.com/long-reads/2009/03/khomeini-funeral-body-crowd

[52] James Buchan. “Ayatollah Khomeini’s funeral: The funeral of Ayatollah Khomeini was not a tragedy but a gruesome farce.” New Statesman (March 12, 2009). Retrieved from https://www.newstatesman.com/long-reads/2009/03/khomeini-funeral-body-crowd

Divide & Conquer